1905: Beer Hall Speaker

Page 19

Zhao Yan was halfway through writing the document when he heard a sound outside the door, and the sound was very familiar.

The guards quickly came over to report, and Zhao Yan then learned that several ministers from the Party and a large group of veteran Party members had all arrived.

Zhao Yan put down his pen and let the guards pass.

The veterans of the Revival Party have finally reunited in Changsha since their last parting in Shanghai. However, of the thirty-four members who parted last time, only thirty-two were able to attend today, as two others have already been martyred.

Zhao Yan was very pleased and ordered a banquet to be held for everyone. He also notified the other new party members who were not on duty or had any tasks that day to come to his place.

After learning about the bullying of new recruits and the fact that the Party representatives were unaware and ineffective, Zhao Yan decided to give these Party members a proper Party lesson. He knew that things couldn't continue like this.

After a long time apart, all the party members at the banquet were in high spirits. They themselves had not expected that Zhengzheng, which was only established in September, would organize such a grand event in January of this year.

Zhao Yan first raised a glass to commemorate his fallen comrades, then summarized the current success, and finally announced that a Party class would be held that evening.

Everyone was full of energy and keen interest. Zhao Yan's lectures were a rare treat, and only veteran party members had attended several consecutive days of his lectures at that inn in Shanghai.

Since Zhao Yan left Shanghai, he has not given any lectures.

By evening, after nightfall, Zhao Yan's reception room was packed with more than 230 new and old party members. Since everyone present was a member of the Revival Party, seating arrangements were not made according to strict meeting procedures.

Everyone squeezed in wherever they could, sitting on the ground in a circle around Zhao Yan.

Zhao Yan sat in the armchair, smiling at all the Party members, and finally asked considerately, "Has Wenxian arrived?"

Wen Xian was the battalion party representative who was expelled from the party and placed on probation within the party. Zhao Yan only learned this name today.

"President, Wenxian is kneeling outside the door. He's been kneeling there since before we started eating, for two hours now."

"Sigh!" Zhao Yan was glad he had mentioned it, otherwise the other person would probably have been kneeling outside until he could make it out tomorrow.

Zhao Yan waved his hand and said, "Go and have two people help him in."

Soon, Wenxian was helped into the warm living room by two Party members. When he came in, his legs were so weak that he could barely move and had to be carried in. His face was already bruised from the cold.

Wenxian was brought before Zhao Yan, who asked with a stern face, "Do you know your mistake?"

Wenxian was speechless and could only nod emphatically.

Zhao Yan continued, "Don't call yourself Wenxian anymore. It's disrespectful to the character 'xian' in your name. Since you know you've made a mistake, you should be ashamed and then strive to improve. From now on, you can be called Wenhouyong! It's not too late to call yourself Wenxian again when you've completely changed your ways!"

Wenxian broke free from the person supporting him, and with great effort, bowed deeply to Zhao Yan.

Zhao Yan waved his hand: "Go find a place to sit down and listen to the lecture!"

After the interlude, Zhao Yan cleared his throat and began his lecture.

"Gentlemen, we are gathered here today for the purpose of giving you a Party lesson!"

Several months have passed since we parted ways in Shanghai. I believe that through these months of concrete revolutionary practice, everyone should have developed their own views and insights on the revolution.

Let me help everyone consolidate this further. First, let's talk about what revolution is, which is the same old story. We need to understand what we are doing before we can understand how to do it!

Today, let's change our perspective, stand on an objective and neutral standpoint, forget our identity as revolutionaries, and analyze and discuss the revolution from the perspective of an observer!

These events have actually occurred throughout history, but we haven't realized it.

Changes in a country can be categorized into reform, modernization, and revolution. These three types are similar in form but vastly different in nature.

Reform refers to changes made to society by the top leadership of the state. Examples include King Wuling of Zhao's adoption of nomadic dress and cavalry tactics, Emperor Wen of Han's reduction of taxes and corvée labor, and even the Self-Strengthening Movement of the Qing Dynasty.

Reform is merely a change made by the top rulers of a country to the middle and lower classes. It does not affect the existing political structure and social system. It can delay the decline of a country to some extent, but its role and significance are actually not great because it cannot address the root causes.

In the end, you will still find that the State of Zhao after King Wuling of Zhao still struggled to rise, the Han Dynasty after Emperor Wen of Han experienced a halving of the population and depletion of resources, and the Qing Dynasty was still teetering on the brink of collapse.

Reform, on the other hand, refers to a major change made by the middle level of the state to the political structure and social system, such as the reforms of Shang Yang, Wang Anshi, and Zhang Juzheng.

This is a change driven by the middle level of the national power structure. If it succeeds, it could significantly alter the survival of a country, but that's all; it can only ensure the continuation of existing stock.

Shang Yang's reforms enabled the Qin state to unify the world, but in the end, the very reforms brought about its downfall! Wang Anshi's reforms were abandoned halfway through, and Zhang Juzheng's reforms only extended the Ming Dynasty's life by a few decades.

In the end, we come to our revolution. Previous reforms and reforms were changes initiated by the ruling class of the country, which did not touch the root of the problem, let alone change the country's political structure and social system.

Revolution, on the other hand, is entirely different. It is a dramatic upheaval initiated by the lowest-level ruled class, and it achieves a fundamental transformation of the social and political structure through a complete restart of military and political operations.

Reform and improvement both aim to achieve progress and improvement for the country and society through targeted changes, but revolution is different. It does not merely pursue progress and improvement, but rather seeks complete and thorough change!

"Just like our current provisional government and revolutionary army, if we are still just changing the name without changing the substance, we will be in trouble."

Our government still imposes quotas and conscriptions, and our army still oppresses and humiliates new recruits.

If what we are doing is no different from what the Qing Dynasty did, then we are merely a group of reformers, far from being revolutionaries.

"I was furious at the high-level meeting today, and that's why!"

"Gentlemen, please always remember our original aspiration and mission. Our purpose in overthrowing the Qing Dynasty is not to become the new Qing Dynasty, nor is our purpose in destroying the old world to become the old world."

History is constantly moving forward, and times are constantly changing. Reforms and improvements alone can no longer save this country; only a complete revolution can save it.

We are now facing a world undergoing unprecedented changes; those who adapt will survive, those who don't will perish.

"I believe that it's not just us who have seen that change is necessary; many more intelligent people across China have seen this, and some even knew that change was necessary a long time ago."

But why hasn't a revolution broken out? Why, even now, with our nation humiliated and its sovereignty lost, are we still unable to completely complete the revolution?

"Because revolution sounds like just two simple words, but in reality it is a complex and delicate undertaking, like walking on thin ice."

It is extremely difficult for a country to change its power structure and social system, because no matter what the social and power structure is, once class differentiation occurs...

If you try to change it, you will inevitably affect and damage the existing vested interests of the class that has already benefited, and this class happens to be the ruling class of the country.

To this I would say: It is harder to touch someone's interests than to touch their soul!

That's why I repeatedly emphasize the meaning and purpose of our revolution. I want to remind everyone not to forget our original aspirations, and not to let the dragon slayer become the dragon again.

"Perhaps this is an inescapable historical cycle, but at least in our generation, we cannot become evil dragons, because the historical choices and challenges we are about to face will be unimaginable."

Chapter 34 Theory of Ideology

Even late at night, Zhao Yan's lecture continued, with everyone listening intently. Many were taking notes, trying to write down every word he said.

"Having discussed the essence and purpose of revolution, let's now explore the distinctions and ideologies of revolution."

"I know that everyone has different views on revolution. As the saying goes, there are a thousand Hamlets for a thousand readers, and the same is true for revolution."

"My understanding of revolution can be divided into three main categories: nationalist revolution, capitalist revolution, and socialist revolution."

"At present, what our Revival Party insists on is nationalist revolution. National democratic revolution refers to the revolution in which oppressed nations in colonies and semi-colonies oppose the rule of colonialism, imperialism and feudalism, and strive for national independence, national liberation and political democracy."

This aligns perfectly with our current national situation. In my view, whether it was the Qing Dynasty or the foreign powers, they were merely colonizers, classes that oppressed and exploited us.

Some might argue that the Manchus were not colonizers but rulers to us, but I have never thought so. I do not even consider the Manchus a legitimate regime, and I even deny their existence as a legitimate dynasty.

Because the Manchus never considered this place as their own homeland, nor did they ever consider the Han people as their compatriots. Their rule was entirely for their own benefit, and all their actions were aimed at consolidating their exploitation and simply to make it easier to oppress us.

I would consider such a regime nothing more than a colonizer. They illegally invaded and occupied our land, and enslaved, exploited, and even massacred us. Everything they did to us, in terms of both action and purpose, was no different from what the great powers did to us.

"Therefore, the most suitable thing for our country at this stage is the democratic revolution, to eliminate and expel all the colonizers, to restore the independence and dignity of the Han people, and to restore our nation's control over state power. This is the main purpose of our revolution at this stage."

While taking notes and listening, Wu Zifu suddenly raised his hand and asked, "Teacher, could you tell us about the other two forms of revolution?"

"Of course, no problem!" Zhao Yan collected his thoughts and said while recalling the events.

“A capitalist revolution is a revolution led by the bourgeoisie against the feudal social system,” Zhao Yan began to explain the nature and purpose of capitalist revolutions at length.

Then, the two most typical representatives are listed: Britain and the United States, a pair of interdependent father and son. Britain was the first country in the world to create a modern political system and also the first country to experience the Industrial Revolution.

This is the immense power of capitalist revolution; it can pave the way for colonialism and also serve as a prelude to the Industrial Revolution.

It was not initiated by the privileged class, nor by the exploited class, but by the class that controlled the means of social production.

In his speech, Zhao Yan provided a clear and concise analysis of the bourgeois revolutions in Europe and America since the 17th century, explaining the changes and progress brought about by these revolutions.

But Wu Zifu seemed to still be expecting something: "Teacher, what exactly are socialist revolution and proletarian activism? You've always been very secretive about this in your lectures, and I'm really curious."

Jean Sinoll, a French foreign party member, was also very curious, along with several blond, big-nosed party members behind him.

These foreigners didn't seem to have much of a feeling about national oppression and colonization. After all, European and American countries were the colonizers. They also weren't very interested in capitalist revolutions because those were already successful and didn't need further discussion.

On the contrary, they were very interested in the last and most mysterious socialist revolution, because what they didn't know was the most valuable.

Zhao Yan's brows furrowed slightly involuntarily, but he quickly relaxed.

"The socialist revolution is also known as the proletarian revolution, and its essence is (look it up on Baidu!)"

"My understanding of the proletarian revolution is that it is a red specter floating in the sky above the world. It has not yet been successfully born, but if it is, it will surely shake the world and bring about a subversive change."

Unfortunately, I, your teacher, do not have the ability or the courage to lead you in creating a proletarian revolution.

Zhao Yan secretly added to himself, "After all, I still want to be a wealthy capitalist!"

"If anyone is interested, they can ask Jean Sinoll, a member of the Communist Party, about the history of the Paris Commune, which was an unsuccessful proletarian revolution."

The reasons for proletarian revolutions are similar to those for nationalist revolutions; both arise from unbearable oppression and exploitation, which motivates people to rise up in revolution.

However, the difference is that our revolution was primarily driven by ethnic conflict, while the proletarian revolution arose from class conflict.

Wu Zifu lamented, "How could such powerful and wealthy nations also oppress and exploit their own people?"

Wu Zifu had never been abroad and had no idea what kind of lives the working class and peasantry lived in other countries.

Zhao Yan knew that "no matter which country it is, and no matter what kind of society or power structure it has, there is always a ruling class and a ruled class, and this cannot be changed."

The same applies abroad. If we apply this analogy, the working class and peasantry abroad are equivalent to the Han Chinese, while the bourgeoisie is equivalent to the Manchus. Hopefully, this clarifies things a bit more.

"Let me tell you a few more examples, or rather, hellish jokes."

"Britain is the pinnacle of capitalism. To put it bluntly, it's utterly immoral. What we consider heinous acts are moral exemplars to them."

It seems that during the reign of Queen Victoria, the British Parliament, or the court officials, seriously discussed a matter: reducing the six-hour workday for child laborers around the age of seven!

Everyone present was in an uproar!

Zhao Yan then continued, "Of course, whether it's true or false still needs to be investigated."

A foreign party member stood up, his face ashen: "Sir, it's true, and that's why I joined your revolution."

Zhao Yan was taken aback, then comforted him, "I'm sorry, I can't help you right now, after all, we ourselves still need to face powerful enemies."

Zhao Yan sensed something was amiss. He couldn't delve any deeper into the topic of the proletarian revolution; any further discussion would definitely lead to trouble.

If this revolution were to turn into a proletarian revolution, the great powers would absolutely form the Eight-Nation Alliance to invade China again, without a doubt!

No matter how much the Chinese revolution stirs up trouble, the great powers are still great powers, the semi-colony is still a semi-colony, the concessions are still there, and the foreign masters still hold your customs and salt taxes.

Unless you dare to declare war on them and take these back through war, because what is lost in war must also be taken back through war.

Even if you win, the great powers will only lose overseas colonial interests at most; it won't harm their homeland or fundamental interests. They'll still go about their lives as usual.

But if you dare to launch a proletarian revolution that affects the global working class and peasantry, it's tantamount to digging up the roots of the great powers, and they'll surely destroy you.

In the original timeline, all the countries fought to the death, and several major powers were reduced to a miserable state. Finally, the Soviet Union had a revolution and shouted "Long live the proletariat!"

The great powers still formed interventionist forces to try to destroy Soviet Russia, but they failed because they were too weak after fighting World War I.

But this was before World War I, the peak of imperialism, the most rampant moment of capitalism—a golden age for the capitalist camp.

For a poor, weak agricultural country to suddenly launch a proletarian revolution is not just like lighting a lamp in a latrine, but like mocking a bunch of berserkers!

Zhao Yan only gave a brief overview of this doctrine, but many party members were particularly interested in it.

However, Zhao Yan sternly warned them not to cause any trouble at this critical juncture. The Manchus alone were difficult enough to deal with, and they should not provoke any more powerful enemies.

Believe it or not, if you put forward a proletarian program today, tomorrow 10,000-ton cargo ships from Europe and North America will be fully loaded with military supplies to aid the Qing Dynasty. If the Qing Dynasty can't hold on, the great powers will even personally intervene in the war!

The great powers of today are seasoned capitalist warriors, at their peak, and haven't even had the bloodshed of World War I and World War II to heal them. Even the Soviet Union almost collapsed. If it were China today, it would be even more dire.

Feeling like he was about to break down, Zhao Yan glanced at his watch and saw it was already 3 a.m. He had to go to work the next day!

So, he hastily announced his dismissal!

But after leaving Zhao Yan, the group of foreign party members mingled with Wu Zifu and had a heated discussion about the topic of active proletarian revolution.

Chapter 35: Why are there still loyalist troops coming to Changsha?

Changsha, January 24, 1906.

A newly arrived army from Guangxi was negotiating with officers from the Revolutionary Army Headquarters. This force of about 1,800 men had all traveled from Guilin, Guangxi to Changsha in response to Zhao Yan's telegram.

They were originally part of the Guangxi New Army, but because of the uprising in Changsha, in which the main force of the uprising was the New Army, the Qing government began to issue various discriminatory policies against the New Army in various places, showing a complete distrust of them.

The people of Guangxi could not tolerate such humiliation. If they were not welcome here, there would be other places that would. It was not a good place to start a massacre, and Guangxi did not have a city full of people. The officials in Guilin also maintained a neutral and wait-and-see attitude and did not have the courage to directly announce their participation in the revolution.

So these new soldiers spontaneously went to Changsha to join the revolution. Everyone had heard about Zhao Yan's deeds and unanimously felt that he was a ruthless person who could accomplish great things.

In addition to the Guangxi New Army, other New Army units and Han Chinese Green Standard Army members from southern provinces such as Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangxi, Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou also came to join them.

Various armed forces from the civilian population also headed to Changsha with their own rations. The most outrageous was the Eighth Division of the New Army in Wuchang, where the New Army killed its own commander and a large number of officers who were unwilling to participate in the revolution. Then, the entire Eighth Division of more than 10,000 officers and soldiers marched south to Changsha.