Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 66

Don't worry, I haven't lived enough yet, I won't risk my life...

Wu Luzhen subconsciously replied, "But you've been risking your life from the very beginning. Is there anyone among us who enjoys taking risks more than you?"

Lin Xinyi glanced up at him but said nothing. He simply explained the remaining matters and then dismissed Liu Tong and Longxia Dorje Tsering from his room. Only then did he speak to Wu Luzhen, saying, "I think you're wrong. Knowing things will go in the worst possible direction and doing nothing is truly risking your life. Everything I've done is to take my own destiny into my own hands; that's the least risky approach."

Consider this: what would the world be like if the awe that nations held for the British Empire couldn't be broken? Since no one could challenge the rules set by the strong, they would turn their swords against the weaker. Japan, China, and Russia would all dredge themselves up in such a quagmire, draining their blood and strength, allowing the British to maintain their hegemony for nothing.

I am not the first to challenge British hegemony, nor will I be the last. This is not a gamble, but a necessity for hope, and those who stand at the forefront must uphold that hope… Every drop of blood we shed here is to prevent ten or a hundred times less blood from being shed in the future.”

Wu Luzhen remained silent for a long time before sighing and saying, "But with the strength of this army, can it really accomplish anything?"

Lin Xinyi smiled and said, "The important thing is how many people down the mountain are willing to join us, not how many we can bring down. Besides, if it really doesn't work out, I'll still escape back, so you have to protect my escape route..."

Chapter 228 Changes in Situation

On November 18, Lin Xinyi led a force of more than 2000 men from Gyantse to Pari. At this time, Chen Youlong's troops had already captured Yadong. Because heavy snow had blocked the Zelila Pass, although Kallenburg had some doubts about the situation in Yadong, he could not send anyone to check and could only keep asking about the situation by telegram.

Lin Xinyi arrived in Pari on November 23, spending two days in the howling winds of the Thuna Desert. To combat the relentless cold winds, everyone had to cover themselves completely with cloaks. Lighting a fire for warmth was a luxury, as even cow dung had to be transported from the rear in this godforsaken place.

However, the natural scenery of the Tuna Wasteland is truly breathtaking. Mount Zhuoma Lari stands alone above the clouds, as pure as a goddess. Of course, only the Han Chinese would feel this way; the locals wouldn't be surprised by these sights, because they have lived in such a natural environment since childhood and only find it extremely harsh.

The situation changed after the team arrived in Pari, because the British had stockpiled a lot of supplies in the Chumbi Valley (Yadong) and Pari. However, the Thuna Wasteland was too difficult to traverse, so most of the supplies were still stored in Pari.

The team rested for a day and replenished their supplies before heading towards the mountains between Tibet and Bhutan on the 25th. There are several mountain passes here that are passable year-round. Once you cross a pass, you can descend along the valley, which is much easier than the roads in Sikkim.

Before entering the mountains, Lin Xinyi glanced at Pari behind him, as if he could still vaguely see a shadow of it. He couldn't help but say to Li Tang, Chen Jingcun, and Deng Yulin beside him, "Next, we should learn Hindi."

Upon hearing this, the three men's eyelids twitched involuntarily. It sounded as if they were about to invade India, which was truly terrifying. However, compared to fighting on the plateau, they felt that being closer to the plains was more suitable; at least they wouldn't have to face these harsh natural environments.

Lin Xinyi withdrew his gaze and followed the mule caravan into the mountains. From above, the caravan looked like a line of ants in the jungle, and gradually they disappeared from sight on the plateau.

When Lin Xinyi led his troops into Bhutan, the people in mainland China were once again feeling angry about the Qing government's inaction. Yes, the people no longer felt disappointed in the Qing government, only anger.

When British troops invaded Tibet, the Qing government didn't even utter a protest, simply delegating the Tibetan issue to the Qing Resident Minister in Tibet. In 1901, at the request of the foreign powers, the Qing government renamed the Zongli Yamen (Foreign Ministry) as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, placing it at the head of the Six Ministries. However, this Ministry of Foreign Affairs wasn't for China's diplomatic missions; rather, it was an agency that urged the Qing government to fulfill treaty obligations according to the demands of the foreign powers. Simply put, it was the office of the foreign legations in China, conveying the demands of the foreigners to the Qing government and implementing them. Naturally, such an agency dared not protest against its masters.

In fact, if it weren't for the repeated protests from Sichuan Governor-General Xiliang to the imperial court, and the willingness of Huguang to provide funds and troops, the Qing government would never have intended to replace the Resident Minister in Tibet or send reinforcements to Tibet. Instead, it hoped to conclude a peace treaty with Britain after the war, just as it had during the first British invasion of Tibet.

The Qing government's actions, coupled with the constant reports in southern newspapers about the Tibetan resistance against the British, immediately aroused widespread dissatisfaction among the southern gentry and people. They believed that the Qing government had indeed become the court of the foreigners, and that in order to preserve its power, it was willing to sell out national interests. Today it was Tibet, tomorrow it was Yunnan, and the day after tomorrow it would be Hunan and Hubei and Sichuan.

Although the Labor Party and the National Daily were suppressed by the Qing government, their reputation in the south gradually grew. This was because, in addition to criticizing the Manchu rule, the Labor Party and the National Daily put forward ideas for political and economic reforms, believing that if China did not make changes, it would inevitably perish.

When news of the Tibetan resistance against the British arrived, a group of intellectuals from Hubei and Hunan provinces, including Chen Tianhua, Zhang Taiyan, Zou Rong, Zhang Shizhao, and Zhang Ji, further advocated for reform. They believed that the victory in the war against the British was due to the success of the reforms promoted by Hubei and Hunan, while the Qing government had done almost nothing for Tibet. This view began to circulate among intellectuals in Hubei and Hunan, and a large number of progressive intellectuals became supporters of the Economic Commission.

The Economic Commission began to transform from a major pillar of Hubei's economic reforms into a center of political change in the two provinces of Hubei and Hunan. Previously, there were only two political forces in Hubei and Hunan: Liang Dingfen, representing Zhang Zhidong's power in the province, and Duanfang, representing the imperial court's power. But now the Economic Commission had officially become independent, and the people of Hubei and Hunan began to remember the name Tian Junyi.

This phenomenon was clearly not something Duanfang and Beijing were happy to see. Furthermore, the Qing government's promotion of the New Policies directly led to financial problems. Whether it was organizing the New Army or promoting school education, a large amount of funds were required. Therefore, the Qing government began to try to reclaim some local rights to make up for the deficit. Initially, the Qing government set its sights on Jiangsu, because Jiangsu was the only place in the country with a fiscal surplus.

However, by 1904, the Qing government suddenly realized that the finances of Huguang were actually quite healthy. Previously, because Huguang had to bear the principal and interest of foreign indemnities, Beijing had given it many preferential policies, such as granting Huguang a great deal of economic autonomy, allowing it to build railways, ports and factories without needing Beijing's approval, but the funds had to be raised by itself.

Beijing originally thought that it would be good if Hubei and Hunan could be self-sufficient. However, after Hubei sent troops to Tibet and invested in railway construction in Sichuan, Beijing suddenly realized that Hubei and Hunan's finances were somewhat unclear. At least according to the financial expenditures reported by Hubei, they could not come up with so much money.

Especially when various provinces resisted the abolition of the likin tax checkpoints, Hubei not only completed the abolition of its likin bureau first, but also provided support to Hunan, exchanging a fixed annual allocation for the removal of Hunan's likin tax checkpoints. Hunan, which already had close ties with Hubei, is now even more economically dependent on Hubei.

In July of this year, the Pingxiang-Zhuzhou Railway and the Zhuzhou-Changsha Railway, both funded by Hubei Province, were completed. Hunan Province ultimately decided to transfer the construction rights for the Changsha-Wuchang section of the railway to Hubei Province as well, no longer seeking to build it itself due to difficulties in raising funds. As a result, the majority of control over the Yuehan Railway fell into the hands of Hubei Province.

In addition, Hubei has invested in four railways: Chongqing to Chengdu, Wuchang to Daye, Hankou-Danjiangkou, and Luoyang to Kaifeng. Its abundant financial resources have made even Beijing envious.

On July 17, Beijing ordered Tie Liang, the Minister of Military Training, to go south to investigate the relocation of the Jiangnan Arsenal. He was also instructed to investigate the income and expenditure of each province and the advantages and disadvantages of each treasury bureau, and to submit a report to the emperor.

On August 20, Tie Liang left Beijing. His first stop was Shanghai, where the local newspaper, the *Jingzhong Daily*, published an article titled "How Can the People Endure This Poverty and Financial Depletion?" accusing Tie Liang of using his trip to "collect wealth from the southeast to fund the extravagance of the Beijing government." This was precisely Beijing's objective: to gather local revenues to support Beijing's expenditures, and from a certain perspective, also to weaken the power of Han Chinese governors-general.

Governor-General Wei Guangtao of Liangjiang had neither the will nor the power to confront the imperial court. He simply instructed his subordinates to quickly falsify inventory records to cover the deficits, and that was it. As a result, Tie Liang swiftly disbanded the Hunan clique's militia, either reorganizing or disbanding them. He also seized a large sum of money and personnel authority from the Jiangnan Arsenal, and the "land tax" was also taken over by the imperial court.

In November, Tie Liang arrived in Wuchang. With Duan Fang's support, he successfully brought the "land tax" under the central government's management. However, this move actually aroused dissatisfaction among the academic and gentry circles, because the "land tax" in Huguang was the main source of funding for schools in Huguang. This refers to the schools under the jurisdiction of the Governor-General's Office. Tie Liang and Duan Fang's actions undoubtedly damaged the local interests.

If Tie Liang had only stopped there, there wouldn't have been a direct conflict with the Economic Commission. However, the Economic Commission now holds too many interests. The huge land premium brought about by the Hankou real estate development alone has far exceeded the revenue from "land tax." Previously, everyone was just wary of Zhang Zhidong's power, so they didn't dare to pounce.

In Tie Liang's eyes, Zhang Zhidong was nothing more than an old Han dog, and what right did he have to compete with the court for interests? In particular, the concession of Wei Guangtao, the Governor-General of Liangjiang, made Tie Liang even more complacent. He believed that these Han officials would never dare to confront the court. As long as he used his power to intimidate them, would they really risk their lives for public property?

Tie Liang was indeed a rare capable minister among the Manchus, and with the full support of Empress Dowager Cixi behind him, he also adopted a strategy of diplomacy before resorting to force when it came to dividing the financial power of the Economic Commission. Consistent with his methods in Shanghai and Nanjing, he did not touch any private interests, whether it was malpractices or deficits, but he insisted on centralizing the ownership of financial power and personnel authority.

Furthermore, Tie Liang explicitly told Tian Junyi that as long as he obeyed the imperial court's orders, his position would remain unchanged after the Economic Committee was brought under imperial control, and he might even be able to obtain a high position in the Ministry of Revenue. Simply put, Tie Liang no longer wanted the Economic Committee; he was attempting to undermine Zhang Zhidong's core support base.

If Tian Junyi was merely Zhang Zhidong's personal confidant, then he truly wouldn't have been able to withstand Tie Liang's threats and inducements. After all, Zhang Zhidong himself wasn't willing to stand up to the court, so how could he expect his subordinates to turn against the court for him? According to Tian Junyi's investigation, Liang Dingfen and Zhang Biao, under Tie Liang's coercion and inducements, had already remained silent regarding Tie Liang's demand to control the Economic Committee.

On November 23, members of the Central Committee of the Workers' Party and the Hubei Provincial Committee met at a secret stronghold in Hankou. Tian Junyi said to the members: "The tree may wish to be still, but the wind will not cease. I originally thought that under the current pressure from Britain and Russia, the Manchus should at least quiet down and consider the overall situation. Now it seems that the Manchus' only overall situation is to be wary of us Han people."

Tang Caichang nodded in agreement, saying, "We're on the verge of disaster; we can't let this Manchu ruin our overall situation..."

Chapter 229 The Change in Hankou

Li Binghuan and Wang Chuzhen, two committee members of the Workers' Party responsible for military affairs, briefed the committee members on the current situation of the armed forces in Hubei Province: "...The total strength of the New Army is 30 battalions, with each battalion consisting of between 500 and 600 men. Of these, the Party effectively controls 10 battalions, Zhang Biao and his cronies control 5 battalions, the Manchus mainly control the 30th Infantry Regiment, and there is also a platoon of Manchu soldiers in the 31st Regiment. In addition, there are about 250 men stationed in various units and military academies as spies. The remaining 11th-12th battalions tend to be neutral."

Regarding the militia, thirty battalions have been established throughout Hubei Province, each with approximately 400-500 men. These militia members are all under the control of the Party, with half of them located in the Wuhan area, composed of factory workers, dockworkers, construction workers, and railway workers. These troops are the most reliable to the Party.

Aside from the army and militia, the only other armed force in the three towns of Wuhan was the police force. There were 22 police stations and over 1700 police officers in total. Except for the three stations in Wuchang, which were not under our jurisdiction, the rest were under our control. However, a considerable portion of the police force were neutral. If we had the upper hand, they would naturally obey; if we were at a disadvantage, they might not still stand on our side…

Tang Caichang and other committee members who originally came from the Self-Reliance Army were extremely excited, because they felt that their strength had never been so great. Previously, when the Self-Reliance Army wanted to launch an armed uprising, they didn't have much armed force in total, and most of them were unreliable secret society forces. But now, relying on the Labor Party, they actually controlled an armed force of at least 2 people, one-third of whom were regular soldiers. This really meant they could make a big splash.

However, some committee members hesitated. Compared to the armed forces controlled by the Qing government, the Labor Party's resources were still too limited. After all, once an uprising was declared, they would be facing enemies in all provinces except Hubei. Even in Hunan, they would need to eliminate the reactionary officials and gentry to control the situation. Although Hunan was politically and economically dependent on Hubei, the region was too closed off. Conservative gentry held immense power in rural Hunan, even subservient to enlightened gentry in Changsha.

In the past, since there was no hope to be seen anyway, it wouldn't have been a problem to fight to the death and see what the Qing Dynasty was really made of. But now the Labor Party was developing well, and it could be said that the strength of the Labor Party was growing every day. At this time, it was really not worth fighting the Qing Dynasty to the death. They all hoped to wait a little longer, let the Labor Party accumulate more strength, and then launch an uprising.

However, such moderates were ultimately in the minority, because this time it was the Manchus who were pressing forward, rather than the Workers' Party taking the initiative to consider the issue of revolution. As Tang Caichang often said, "If we don't take action now, how can we continue to develop after losing the Economic Commission? The Manchus will not allow us to continue to take money from the Economic Commission to develop our own strength. If they take this opportunity to collude with the Germans, it will be even more difficult for us to launch an uprising."

However, after announcing the purpose of the meeting at the beginning, Tian Junyi remained silent. He listened to the suggestions put forward by the committee members, thought for a long time, and finally expressed his views when everyone's opinions gradually split into two camps.

"I think we definitely can't agree to Tie Liang's request, because there are too many things the Economic Committee can't let the Manchus know, otherwise the Manchus will destroy the organizational foundation of our party by following the clues."

Everyone nodded in agreement with Tian Junyi's assessment, as it was indeed true. The Manchus couldn't find any trace of the Workers' Party through other means, but by examining the flow of funds allocated by the Economic Commission, they could quickly determine that a major problem was hidden within. Even if the Manchus didn't arrest anyone or cut off the flow of these funds, the Workers' Party would still suffer a heavy blow; no one could accept such an outcome.

However, Tian Junyi quickly added, "With our current strength, it would be quite difficult to overthrow the Qing Dynasty. But there is another major problem: we currently lack a righteous cause that can inspire the people to support us. We can't just say that we should rebel because the court wants to investigate the Economic Commission's accounts, can we?"

Currently, the Russians occupy Manchuria and Outer Mongolia to the north, and the British are attempting to seize Tibet. The court needs funds to replenish the national treasury, which cannot be considered a heinous crime. If we use this as a pretext to rebel against the court, we will not only fail to gain the sympathy of the people, but some will also perceive us as disregarding the nation's crisis for our own selfish interests.

The committee members nodded slightly, all focusing their attention on Tian Junyi. After a pause, Tian Junyi organized his thoughts and said, "On the contrary, when Britain and Russia were plotting to divide China, would the imperial court really dare to turn against us and start a civil war? We may not have the strength to attack Beijing, but how much strength does Beijing have to fight us?"

No matter how I think about it, I don't believe Yuan Shikai and Wei Guangtao would obey the court's orders and risk everything to fight us, as long as we don't raise the banner of rebellion for the time being. As long as the two of them don't act, the other governors-general simply don't have the military strength to attack us, nor do they have any reason to attack us, because only if we resist the court's orders can they remain neutral and observe the changing situation.

The other committee members couldn't help but whisper among themselves. Tang Caichang then questioned Tian Junyi with doubt: "But if we don't raise the banner of rebellion, how can we rally the people of Hubei and Hunan to fight against the imperial court? Without this justification, we can't seize control of the army. If the political and military power are not in our hands, Hubei cannot govern independently and will be subject to the imperial court."

Tian Junyi nodded slightly, pondered for a moment, and then said, "Therefore, we cannot break ties with the imperial court. Tie Liang and Duan Fang's lives cannot be touched, but other reactionary forces within Hubei must be dealt with decisively. Without these reactionary gentry who support the imperial court, who will obey the imperial court's orders?"

Tang Caichang looked at Tian Junyi with some doubt and asked, "Then how can we eliminate the reactionary forces below Tie Liang and Duan Fang without breaking ties?"

After thinking for a long time, Tian Junyi said, "We know there are four factions in the Hubei New Army, but Duanfang and Zhang Biao may not know that. They only know that the other side has considerable influence in the army."

Therefore, if a change occurs in the army and Zhang Biao cannot be contacted, Duanfang's side will inevitably take control of the army first. As long as we assist Duanfang's side in eliminating Zhang Biao's key personnel in the army, there will inevitably be a conflict between the Manchus and Han Chinese in the army. At this time, we can use this conflict to purge the Manchus from the new army and thus completely control the army.

Once we have control of the army, we can force Duanfang to relinquish power, and then, under the pretext of purging the rebels, suppress the reactionary gentry in various regions and promote land reform. After we control Hubei, we can send Tie Liangli out of the country and see how the imperial court responds.

If they want to wipe us out by force, then there's nothing more to say; we'll just prepare our army and fight them to the bitter end. If they try to undermine us through political means, then we'll simultaneously strengthen our armed forces and develop our own power until our strength completely surpasses that of the imperial court…”

Tang Caichang and the other committee members were very interested in the suggestions put forward by Tian Junyi. They asked questions about the parts of the plan that they did not understand and added their own opinions to the plan. When the meeting went on until three or four o'clock in the morning, a relatively complete plan was formed.

On the 24th and 25th, the committee members met to discuss the plan repeatedly and ultimately decided to implement the seventh option. Over the next three days, the plan was put into practice.

On the morning of November 29, Tang Caichang, in his capacity as chairman of the Workers' Party, delivered a speech in Hankou Park, demanding that the Qing government lift the ban on political parties and newspapers, and calling on Zhang Zhidong to return to Wuhan to peacefully resolve the Tibet issue with the British, and to convene a parliament to declare war on Russia. After the speech, Tang Caichang announced the official establishment of the Central Committee of the Workers' Party in a large courtyard on the west side of Hankou Park.

As a wanted criminal by the Qing government, Tang Caichang's high-profile behavior naturally sparked heated discussions in Hubei. Liang Dingfen, the then Hubei Provincial Surveillance Commissioner, was greatly shocked and immediately ordered Jin Ding to arrest Tang Caichang. However, when Jin Ding arrived at the Central Party Headquarters of the Workers' Party with his police officers, the courtyard was already empty, and he had no choice but to seal it off.

However, when Jin Ding reported to Liang Dingfen, Tang Caichang returned to the party headquarters, tore off the seal, and gave another speech at the door, accusing the Qing government of not thinking about how to resist foreign aggression, but only suppressing the legitimate demands of the people, which was a sign of illegitimate rule.

Upon receiving the news, Liang Dingfen berated Jin Ding and then ordered Feng Qijun, the Hubei Provincial Police Commissioner, to personally lead a team to arrest Tang Caichang and to shut down his party headquarters. However, this time Feng Qijun was stopped by the crowd, who prevented him from arresting Tang Caichang. Feng Qijun initially wanted to make the arrest, but the police officers accompanying him refused to step forward, and some onlookers openly threatened him, saying, "Liang Dingfen and Jin Ding are from out of town, but you, Feng Qijun, are not. Are you not going to keep your businesses in Wuhan? Why are you making an enemy of the people of Wuhan?"

Seeing that things were not going well, Feng Qijun had no choice but to slink away. Liang Dingfen was furious that he couldn't catch Tang Caichang twice in a row. He initially wanted to ask Zhang Biao to send troops to arrest him, but he couldn't find Zhang Biao no matter what he did. He was told that Zhang Biao had gone out to run errands.

Liang Dingfen had no choice but to personally cross the river from Wuchang, forcing Feng Qijun to go with her to arrest people. This was on the afternoon of December 2nd. This time, although Tang Caichang didn't run away, a group of Labor Party members built barricades in front of the party headquarters, took up weapons, and prevented the police from approaching.

Seeing a group of men armed with rifles and claiming to be members of the Labour Party resisting arrest in the street, Leung Ting-fan was furious. He personally urged his officers to advance and make the arrests. He had brought many trusted officers with him on this trip across the river, and these men were quite obedient to him. However, during the attack, these officers were all killed by bullets fired from behind. Except for Leung Ting-fan and Fung Kai-kwan, who were unharmed, all the others escaped.

Facing the patrol officers pointing guns at them from behind, Feng Qijun remained silent, and Liang Dingfen could only watch. Then, an officer from the Hankou branch came over, took a German-made pistol, and fired a shot at each of the fallen officers before saying to Liang Dingfen and Feng Qijun, "Reporting, sir, the enemy's firepower is too strong. We are police, not the army, and we are afraid we are unable to continue the attack. Please order a retreat."

Feng Qijun quietly moved a few steps away from Liang Dingfen, then nodded and said, "Back to the party, back to the party."

Liang Dingfen's face was grim, but she remained silent. The officer stared at her for a long time before finally putting away his gun and ordering the patrol officers behind him, "Put your guns away, find someone to carry the body, then clean the street. Don't frighten the public..."

Seeing this, Feng Qijun quickly pulled Liang Dingfen away and found a rickshaw to take her to the ferry. Only after the two boarded the boat did he breathe a sigh of relief and say, "Sir, this situation is not good. What exactly do they want to do? Has Tang Caichang taken control of Hankou?"

Liang Dingfen's heart sank to the bottom. The connection between Zhang Biao's disappearance and this incident made him feel that someone must be plotting something, and he linked this matter to Zhang Zhidong. Now, his only choice was whether to quell the matter internally in Huguang or to need external forces to suppress the unstable factors within Huguang.

As Liang Dingfen boarded the ship, Tian Junyi also rushed to the Hanyang Arsenal. From now on, the militia of Hanyang and Hankou would take full control of Hanyang and Hankou, and then wait for the government troops from Wuchang who were crossing the river to quell the rebellion to walk into their trap.

Chapter 230 Discussion

Upon arriving in Wuchang, Liang Dingfen ultimately decided to go to the Governor's Office to explain the situation in Hankou to Duanfang. Having lost the power to mobilize troops without being able to contact Zhang Biao, he ultimately lacked the courage to privately mobilize troops to resolve the Hankou issue.

Duanfang was shocked after hearing Liang Dingfen's report. How could a wanted criminal like Tang Caichang dare to show his face in Hankou, and how could the Hankou police actually side with Tang Caichang and fire on the Wuchang police? What was this if not treason? He immediately ordered Tie Liang, Zhang Biao, and Tie Zhong to be invited over to discuss the matter.

Tie Liang was an imperial envoy, and Duanfang couldn't possibly keep such a strange event from him. Tie Zhong was the co-director of the Huguang Military Training Office, the second-in-command under Zhang Biao, and as a Manchu, he enjoyed Duanfang's trust even more. After the two arrived at the governor's office, they found that Zhang Biao was still missing. According to Zhang Biao's family, he had crossed the river northwards on business the day before yesterday, and they really didn't know where he had gone.

Tie Liang usually focused his energy on official business, and he was concerned with the governors and officials within the system. He didn't know much about Tang Caichang's identity, so he asked Liang Dingfen directly about this person's background and what he was doing in Hankou.

At this point, Liang Dingfen could no longer conceal the truth and could only briefly state: "This person is not only the initiator of the Southeast Protection Conference, but he also has very close ties with secret societies."

Although he came to Hankou to publicly proclaim that he wanted the court to ally with Britain against Russia, I believe his real intention was to drag Xiang Shuai down with him, causing the court to distrust him. His sinister motives are self-evident; he is undoubtedly a member of the rebel faction.

At this moment, Tie Zhong, who usually boasted of being a reincarnation of Hauge and Mangultai and blamed all the chaos in the world on the revolutionaries, said, "Xiang Shuai may not be involved in this matter, but Zhang Biao may not be. There are troops in Hankou and Hanyang. If he had no support, how could Tang Caichang dare to appear in broad daylight and gather his accomplices to confront the government? Even if those secret societies are crazy, are the police in Hankou crazy too?"

Although Liang Dingfen also harbored some suspicions about Zhang Biao, he still defended him from Zhang Biao's perspective, saying, "The Tie office's statement is far too speculative. Tang Caichang's appearance at this time suggests he knew Zhang Biao was not in Wuhan and was doing it on purpose..."

Seeing the two sides embroiled in an argument, with Duan Fang sitting there in a daze, Tie Liang had no choice but to step in and mediate, saying, "Discussing Zhang Biao's matter is not urgent right now. The most pressing issue is whether the troops in Hanyang and Hankou have been involved in the incident. Could it be an act of arrogance by Tang Caichang and some of the Hankou police? What will they do next? Can we control the army?"

Tie Zhong, after all, was a graduate of the Japanese Military Academy. Although the Japanese had arranged separate classes for the Chinese and reduced the curriculum, they had still received systematic military training. Therefore, he quickly told Tie Liang about the garrison situation of the Hubei New Army: "...two battalions in Hanyang, two battalions in Hankou, two battalions along the Beijing-Hankou Railway, six battalions in Wuchang, one battalion in Huangshi, one battalion in Ezhou, one battalion in Xianning...; in addition, there are six battalions of new recruits stationed outside Wuchang, totaling thirty battalions."

However, the most important things right now are the Chu Wangtai arsenal in Wuchang and the Hanyang arsenal. These two places contain a large amount of firearms and ammunition, and if they fall into the hands of the rebel army, the trouble will be immense…”

Liang Dingfen had to interrupt him, saying, "We don't know yet about a military rebellion; the problem lies with the Hankou police. The Iron Commissioner must not undermine morale, lest he create chaos within the ranks."

Tie Zhong, however, ignored them and said to Tie Liang and Duan Fang, "The only troops we can trust in the New Army are the 30th and 31st Regiments, because these two regiments have independent Manchu companies. The two battalions stationed in Hanyang are: one is Deng Chengba of the 30th Regiment, who was personally promoted by the Governor-General and is trustworthy; the other is Zhang Jingliang of the 29th Regiment, who just returned from studying in Japan and is a Han Chinese, so he is quite suspicious. As for the two battalions in Hankou, they are all Zhang's confidants, and I dare not comment on them."

Duanfang nodded and said, "Deng Chengba is trustworthy. Even if he has some problems, he wouldn't be a traitor. Zeng Guangda, who is under his command, was originally my guard and is very loyal to me."

Liang Dingfen felt a chill run down his spine. These Manchus clearly regarded Zhang Biao as an enemy, and he was at a loss for words. However, Tie Liang noticed his expression and reassured him, "This minister doesn't truly doubt Commander Zhang, but until he shows himself, we must be on guard. Tie Zhong, tell me, what should we do next?"

Seeing that Tie Liang was inclined to side with him, Tie Zhong immediately said, "Let Shu Qing'a go to the new recruit camp to take charge. The six new recruit battalions are all from good families with clean records and no deep ties with other battalions. With these six battalions in hand, and control of the Chu Wangtai arsenal, Wuchang can be safe."

Bao Ying and I will lead two battalions of the 30th Regiment to Hanyang. We will first take control of the Hanyang Arsenal, then summon the commanders of the two battalions in Hankou, take over Hankou, and then suppress the Hankou police. Then Hanyang and Hankou will be safe.”

Liang Dingfen finally couldn't help but say, "There are a large number of foreign nationals in Hankou. It would be best not to use force in Hankou to avoid triggering diplomatic problems."

Tie Liang nodded and said, "It would be best to quell the unrest without resorting to force. However, if the rebels resist us from Hankou, we cannot remain inactive. Inspector Liang, go and contact Commissioner Hotan, and then ask him to contact the consuls of various countries, explaining our unavoidable predicament and the reasons why we have to take action..."

While Tie Liang, Duan Fang, and Tie Zhong were discussing sending troops across the river to control the situation, Tian Junyi had already arrived at the union office of the Hanyang Ironworks. With continuous expansion, the number of workers at the Hanyang Ironworks had exceeded 8000, with nearly 90% of them participating in the union. The Hanyang Arsenal was located to the north of the Hanyang Ironworks, and the two factory areas had begun to connect. Similarly, after expansion, the number of workers at the Hanyang Arsenal had more than doubled, reaching over 15,000.

Besides these two government-run factories, Hanyang also had a number of privately-run steel-related factories, totaling over 5 workers. Including dockworkers, the total number of workers in Hanyang exceeded 6. Hankou had more factories than Hanyang, and with a large number of construction workers, dockworkers, and shop assistants, the number of workers in Hankou surpassed 12.

However, in terms of combat effectiveness, the Hankou Labor Union was inferior to the Hanyang Labor Union, because most of the workers in Hanyang were industrial workers, that is, young and middle-aged men, and most of them had received military training. In particular, the workers at the Hanyang Arsenal, because they had to test firearms and ammunition, had more firing attempts per year than even the soldiers of the New Army.

Of the fifteen militia battalions in the Wuhan area, five were stationed at the Hanyang Arsenal and the Hanyang Ironworks. It can be said that from the beginning, the Workers' Party treated Hanyang as its main base, with the other two branches located in Daye and Pingxiang. Of course, these militias were officially known as the Factory Security Forces and were under the command of officers sent by the New Army. However, through continuous rotations, the Workers' Party ensured that all factory militia members received military training and replaced the New Army officers with their own.

For example, the captain of the military police at the Hanyang Arsenal, who was in charge of training the arsenal's security team and managing the arsenal's armory, was Peng Chufan, a member of the Workers' Party. After receiving the party's order, he immediately went to the ironworks union near the arsenal to report to Tian Junyi, Li Binghuan, and other members of the party's central committee.

Peng Chufan opened his hand-drawn map of the garrison in Hanyang to the committee members. After explaining the situation of the troops to the two committee members, he reported: "Deng Chengba has always disliked Zhang Jingliang, who has returned from studying abroad. In addition, his battalion has always been known as the flag bearer and is deeply trusted by Tie Zhong. Therefore, he has been ostracizing Zhang Jingliang's troops, giving them the hard and unprofitable work, while he himself sits in charge of the most lucrative arsenal, interfering in the procurement of raw materials and demanding kickbacks."

Therefore, three out of Zhang Jingliang's four companies established soldiers' committees, and the remaining company was also quite interested in the anti-Manchu revolution. Even among Deng Chengba's four companies, there was a hierarchy. The Manchu company had the highest status, followed by Zeng Guangda, who came from Duanfang's guards. The other two companies also had to do hard and tiring work.

In terms of military discipline, Zhang Jingliang's troops were much better. Zhang Jingliang, after all, was a graduate of the Japanese Military Academy, and he was quite dedicated to training his soldiers. He himself rarely went out from the camp. As for Deng Chengba, he spent most of his time in the red-light districts of Hankou. His officers didn't train the soldiers much either, instead forming cliques based on brotherhood, reselling training ammunition, and embezzling military pay—completely the style of an old-fashioned army.

The company guarding the armory and the military police inspecting the arsenal are both under the control of the soldiers' committee and the arsenal's party branch. As long as the Central Committee issues an order, we can organize the militia of the arsenal and the ironworks, then disarm Deng Chengba's troops, and persuade Zhang Jingliang to cooperate with us, thereby completely controlling Hanyang..."

After a moment's thought, Tian Junyi encouraged Peng Chufan, saying, "Comrade Peng Chufan, you've done a very solid job. However, the Party won't entrust our safety to some so-called conscientious officers. This time, our goal is to completely control the Hubei New Army. We won't expect officers with unclear political leanings to defect to us during operations. Because we don't know whether they are truly inclined towards the revolution or are just opportunistically seeking it out. The latter will become the biggest obstacle to the revolution's success. Comrade Li Binghuan, you explain the plan."

Li Binghuan took out a folded piece of paper from his pocket and said to Peng Chufan, "The Wuchang Telegraph Bureau, which we control, will soon send a telegram to the arsenal telegraph station, requesting Deng Chengba to arrest Zhang Jingliang, take control of the Hanyang Arsenal, and then go to the Hankou garrison camp to take over the Hankou garrison and control the situation in Hankou."

Your task is to take over Zhang Jingliang's troops after Zhang Jingliang's arrest and disarm Deng Chengba's remaining forces in Hanyang. Then, arm the militia and send two militia battalions to control the Hanyang ferry crossing, preparing to ambush any troops crossing the river. Additionally, transport weapons across to Hankou and arm the Hankou militia…”

Chapter 231

The Han River Railway Bridge was completed on November 16th, and currently only the railway tracks are still being laid. However, there is a pedestrian walkway on the outer edge of the railway bridge for pedestrians and cyclists to cross, so the bridge already facilitates travel between the two banks.

Deng Chengba was also one of the beneficiaries of the bridge's construction. Although Hanyang had many factories, its entertainment venues were nowhere near as good as those in Hankou. In particular, under the strict orders of the Economic Commission, Hanyang was prohibited from opening opium dens, gambling houses, and operating brothels, making Hanyang's nightlife even more monotonous.

Even the military couldn't openly oppose the Economic Commission, because all benefits beyond the military's regular pay were provided by the Commission. From housing subsidies and meal allowances to job arrangements for family members and school enrollment for children, unless you were completely alone and needed nothing but your military pay, you still had to consider the feelings of your colleagues.

Moreover, the ban on prostitution, gambling, and drugs promoted by the Economic Commission in Hanyang also received the support of a group of students studying abroad in the military. They believed that keeping the military away from prostitution, gambling, and drugs would help cultivate military discipline, and that the strength of the great powers' armies lay in their military discipline.

So, Deng Chengba could only trouble himself to go to Hankou for a good time on ordinary days. However, the strange things that had happened in Hankou these past two days made him somewhat worried, so he returned to the Hanyang military camp ahead of schedule. The strange things he heard about were Tang Cai's troublemaking in Hankou.

After the Boxer Rebellion, the authority of the imperial court was practically nonexistent. This was not only because the Eight-Nation Alliance occupied Beijing and ordinary soldiers took photos on the dragon throne, but also because local governors and viceroys created the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact to oppose the imperial court, which was powerless to do anything about it.

After the Boxer Rebellion, the reason the imperial court was able to continue to exist was not because the court itself still had any power, but because the Huai and Hunan factions chose to continue supporting it, thus maintaining this tottering old empire. However, after the deaths of the two leading figures of the Huai and Hunan factions, they became a disorganized mess again, and the new policies implemented after the return of the emperor gave the court a brief resurgence.

However, Tang Caichang's sudden public accusation of the court's mistakes and his demand for further reforms based on public opinion are tantamount to stripping the court bare. If the Governor-General's Office of Huguang cannot arrest this arrogant and presumptuous man, who will the name of the court intimidate in the future?

What surprised Deng Chengba was this: a traitor like Tang Caichang dared to show his face in broad daylight, yet the police couldn't catch him. Even Liang Dingfen himself couldn't subdue him; instead, he was driven back by Tang's followers. Rumors circulating in the city said that Liang Dingfen led patrol officers to arrest Tang Caichang, but unable to refute him, he resorted to force in a fit of rage. However, Tang Caichang's comrades and righteous civilians helped him repel the patrol officers.

Under such propaganda, Tang Caichang had become a symbol of resistance against the imperial court in the eyes of the citizens of Hankou. The longer he persisted in Hankou, the less fear the citizens had of the imperial court. As a member of the Hubei New Army, Deng Chengba could actually understand the thoughts of the people of Wuhan, after all, he spent more time in brothels, casinos, and opium dens than in the military camp.