Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 93

The repeated defeats of the British army resulted in greater gains than expected. Combined with the losses of the Tibetan Expeditionary Force, the British army had lost 1.5 men in the two years of fighting, equivalent to one-tenth of the British Indian Army. For such a populous colony, British rule in India had been severely damaged.

Lin Xinyi naturally wanted to take advantage of the British's lack of reaction time to expand the People's Committee's controlled area and mobilize some of his forces to establish new bases in the periphery, thereby further undermining British rule in India. In this way, it would be somewhat unwise to concentrate his forces to eliminate these trapped enemies.

Chapter 327 The Troubles of the Navy and the Army

Looking at the exclamation mark in the newspaper, Ito Sukeyuki felt like his head was about to explode. The newspaper reported that the battle in India had caused the London Stock Exchange a loss of more than 3000 million pounds. Considering that the Mikasa battleship cost 120 million pounds, the Chinese had essentially sunk 25 Mikasa-class battleships, which was astonishing.

Looking at the number 25 highlighted in bold on the newspaper, Ito Sukeyuki thought that if the British knew Lin Feng was Japanese, they would definitely send the Royal Navy fleet to Tokyo Bay. He lost interest in reading further, put down the newspaper, and roared at the two quiet people in the office in a low voice, "Don't you have any way to contact that bastard? What does he want? Does he want to be the Bolivar of the Indian subcontinent? But Britain isn't Spain; this isn't some old, toothless tiger, but a man-eating tiger."

Kawara Yoichi replied awkwardly, "It's not that we didn't want to contact him, but the British blocked the road to Sikkim, and we couldn't reveal that Lin Feng was Lin Xinyi. So the liaison officer going to India didn't know who to contact, and thus couldn't get in touch with him in time. However, the British had previously vowed to end the war in November, but this is how they ended it, which is truly unexpected."

Standing behind Kawahara, Togo Masamichi was actually in a good mood. Through this secret, he had finally established a close connection between himself and Ito, the elder statesman. Was this really a bad thing? However, when he saw Prime Minister Ito turn his gaze to him, he quickly suppressed the joy on his lips and said calmly, "Your Excellency, I don't think this is a bad thing. At least the army can no longer use this matter to threaten us."

The Army's investigation into the Marine Corps School cadets eventually uncovered some clues for the Navy. Although it's unclear how much the Army knew, for the Navy, this was a sword hanging over their heads, which could potentially become a weapon used against them at a crucial moment. Therefore, the few people in the General Staff Headquarters who knew the inside story were still feeling uneasy.

When Ito Sukeyuki heard Togo's words, although he thought there was some truth to it, he still frowned and scolded, "Is this the time to consider the army? What I'm concerned about is, what should we do if the British find out about this? Do you think the British will swallow this insult?"

After a moment of silence, Togo Masamichi said, "I think the British might really tolerate it. After anti-British groups have emerged in both China and India, do they want Japan to become one of them as well?"

As Lin Xinyi analyzed earlier, Britain's national strength has reached its limit and the country has begun to decline. Therefore, it urgently needs a vassal to help it maintain its regional hegemony.

In East Asia, the British chose us, but the Anglo-Japanese Alliance only reflected Japan's obligations and did not transfer rights to Japan, so it was still an unequal treaty.

Judging from the results of Hayashi Shin-yi's actions in India, his judgment was not wrong. Britain's national power was indeed declining. Once it lost control of India, Britain would inevitably accelerate its withdrawal from Asia, which would actually be a good thing for Japan.

At such a moment, even if Britain knew Lin Feng was Lin Xinyi, it wouldn't go to war with us out of momentary anger, because that would disrupt the balance it had built in East Asia. Without Japan, who would restrain Russia's expansion in the Far East? Once Russia gained a habitable, warm region and ice-free ports in the Far East, Britain's global hegemony would truly be teetering on the brink of collapse.

After pondering for a long time, Ito Sukeyuki sighed and said, "What you said isn't entirely unreasonable, but what should Japan do next? Our past strategy was to rely on British support to counter Russia and establish Japan's dominance in East Asia. But now, with what he's done, can the Anglo-Japanese Alliance still be maintained? Japan will have to rely on itself from now on."

Kawahara Yoichi felt he could understand Ito Sukeyuki's dilemma. To be honest, Japan has never been able to move forward independently since ancient times, so it's normal to be lost at this point.

Before the First Sino-Japanese War, Japan's path was actually quite simple: submit to the power of the continent or resist the power of the continent. After defeating the hegemon of East Asia for thousands of years in the First Sino-Japanese War, Japan did not know what to do. It was not until Russia built the Chinese Eastern Railway and extended its influence into East Asia that Japan reacted and continued to resist this new power.

However, Russia was clearly not the declining Qing Empire, so whether or not to go to war with Russia was always the most intense struggle among the Japanese upper class. Until the formation of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Japan found a new power to rely on, and under the protection of this power, it went to war with another power. This was a very familiar routine for the Japanese.

But now, with Lin Xinyi's actions, even the British Empire, its patron, seems to be crumbling. Japan certainly can't afford to fall off the cliff with it, so it's time for Japan to choose a new direction. But besides submitting to power or resisting power, does Japan really have a third path to take?

Not only the navy was troubled by this matter, but the army also felt a great sense of insecurity. The army advocated an alliance with Britain, essentially regarding Britain as its backer, believing that even if it suffered setbacks in its battles against the Russian army, Britain would surely come to its aid. But now that the British Empire was being brought to the brink of collapse by a few Chinese, even India seemed to be teetering on the brink, they began to worry about whether Britain could still provide them with support.

The camellias at Chinzan-so, perched atop a hill, are in full bloom, but unfortunately, Yamagata Aritomo doesn't seem to have the inclination to invite friends to admire them this year. Frankly, Yamagata Aritomo's talent for garden design is probably greater than his talent for military affairs, as evidenced by the exceptional layout of Chinzan-so.

Standing inside Chinzan-so, one can see the Imperial Palace forest area to the south across Ushigome Street, Mount Fuji to the west, Mount Tsukuba to the north, and the boundless Boso Peninsula to the east. The layout of this villa was designed by Yamagata Aritomo, who completely broke away from the traditional Japanese gardening technique of emphasizing small and secluded spaces. He incorporated the scenery outside the garden into the garden's borrowed scenery, thus creating this famous garden.

No guest who came here was not amazed, but today's guest, Kodama Gentaro, was also somewhat absent-minded. The two sat in a Japanese-style room with a view of the garden, and Yamagata put down his teacup and asked him, "What do you think?"

Kodama looked up at Yamagata and asked, "Are you referring to this war? Or are you asking about the navy?"

Yamagata nodded slightly and said, "Yes, we have them all."

Kodama thought for a moment and said, "Although I don't know what the Navy is thinking, it's fortunate for us. Otherwise, it would be hard to say who would lead this war."

After thinking for a long time, Yamagata nodded and said, "That's true. If the navy keeps him in the country, we might really lose face. So, do you think the British will continue the war?"

After a moment of silence, Kodama shook his head and said, "Just as the British themselves said, even if they win this war, they won't gain anything unless they directly attack China."

But that only benefits the Russians, because the British are actually the ones who benefit the most in China right now. Although German investment in China is growing rapidly, it will take a long time for Germany to catch up with the British.

Therefore, the British are now in a dilemma. They have already obtained all the benefits they could in China, and even if they directly send troops to occupy China, it is unlikely that they will gain much more benefits. On the contrary, they may lose the benefits they have already obtained.

Britain is ultimately different from us. They don't lack overseas colonies, but rather the population willing to migrate to them. Places like Canada, Australia, and New Zealand alone are enough for British immigration; why would they need to compete with the Chinese for land?

Yamagata breathed a sigh of relief upon hearing this, saying, "It's good that we're not fighting anymore. If we had continued fighting, I don't know what Asia would have become. The Navy is such a bunch of bastards."

Kodama thought for a moment, then shook his head and sighed, "It's such a pity that such a talent was recruited by the Navy. If he could come to the Army, he could take over Tamura's position right now. Nagaoka is too rule-abiding; his plans are obvious."

Yamagata Aritomo, however, refused to accept this. In his view, only obedient people were truly talented; disobedient geniuses were better left aside. After all, the army should still uphold the aspirations of the Choshu faction. If the army were to break free from the control of the Choshu faction, what would have been the point of all their lifelong struggles?

Kodama glanced at Yamagata, then changed the subject, saying, "Although the British are likely to make peace with the Chinese, I think it will be difficult for them to intervene in another war, especially a land war. After all, Russia has the title of the gendarmerie of Europe, and Britain will certainly not join the war until Russia shows signs of defeat. Therefore, we still have to rely on ourselves for the land war. My view is that we should let the Chinese wear down the morale of the Russian army, and ideally, make it impossible for both sides to negotiate peace again, before it is time to join the war."

Yamagata frowned slightly and said, "But I'm worried that the Chinese might surrender suddenly like they did during the Sino-Japanese War, which would put us at a disadvantage."

Kodama disagreed, saying, "China today is different from the Sino-Japanese War era. Even if Beijing wanted to surrender, Wuhan would not accept it. Therefore, Beijing's surrender would only trigger an internal revolution in China and would not end the Sino-Russian War."

Given the Chinese's repeated victories in India, the people of that country should not tolerate another defeat that is not yet a hopeless situation. It can be said that the Chinese people's tolerance for defeat has been lowered by their victories in India. Unless the leaders in Beijing are completely out of their minds, they will not provoke their nation, which has just begun to develop national confidence, at this juncture…

Chapter 328 The Expansion of People's Power

Soon after Lieutenant Colonel Townsend surrendered, he met with the man he had once wanted to capture personally—Lin Feng, a key figure in this Chinese army. Unfortunately, this meeting was not what he had imagined; their roles had been reversed.

Lin Xinyi's first words to Lieutenant Colonel Townsend were, "Lieutenant Colonel, I have many things to do, so let's be more direct. I hope you can act as our representative to persuade General Luo and his men to lay down their arms and surrender. Are you willing to accept this mission?"

Lieutenant Colonel Townsend was initially opposed, of course. He had already lost enough by surrendering himself, so how could he ask his superiors and colleagues to lay down their weapons? Wouldn't that make it all his responsibility afterward? But Lin Feng quickly persuaded him.

"Please go and persuade General Luo and his men to lay down their weapons. It's not that we can't defeat Gischengenj, but we don't want any more deaths. We have already won this war, and neither you nor our soldiers should continue fighting for a war that has already ended. It's pointless."

Moreover, peacefully having General Lowe lay down his arms would also be beneficial to you. You can't possibly return to Calcutta alone and unscathed, can you? If so, who would bear the responsibility for this defeat—you or Colonel Haig? I suspect Lord Kitchener would choose you to take the blame, because he can't let a general who fought to the death bear it, nor can he let a trusted subordinate bear it. Isn't that right?”

Reminded by Lin Feng, Lieutenant Colonel Townsend quickly realized that while their war with the Chinese was probably over, their war was not yet over. If he couldn't get General Low to become the representative of the surrendered army, then he might actually become the one designated by Lord Kitchener to take responsibility for the defeat, just as Lin Feng had said. After all, his relationship with the Commander-in-Chief was far from friendly.

General Robert Cunliffe Lowe was initially hesitant, but the other officers in Gischengenj were persuaded by Lieutenant Colonel Townsend, who brought the latest newspaper, which contained no news of any reinforcements being sent. Instead, the newspaper blamed them for the defeat and began to praise the fallen Colonel Daer.

Upon seeing these newspapers, the officers were furious. They believed it must be a conspiracy by Colonel Haig and Lord Kitchener, outsiders from unconventional Indian military families, trying to shift the blame for the defeat onto them, the native Indians. But the root cause of the defeat was clearly the reckless attack launched by Colonel Haig and Colonel Daer in the mountains.

At this moment, the officers who had initially thought the Jore Tange massacre was just the Chinese making a fuss began to believe that it was this massacre that provoked the Chinese and led to their defeat.

After holding out for nearly two weeks, Gishanganj's British troops surrendered their weapons to the Indian People's Committee and the Chinese army on November 24. Lin Xinyi also held a grand surrender ceremony in the Western style, mainly to show the newly joined soldiers that the British could also surrender and admit defeat, thereby boosting their confidence.

The surrender of British troops in Gishanganj meant that the British had lost effective control over 9 square kilometers of land, from the Gosi River in the west to the Teesta and Jamuna Rivers in the east, and north of the Ganges and Bodhi Rivers, and that approximately 300-400 million Bengalis were liberated.

This victory greatly encouraged the Indian people's resistance against British colonial rule, and spontaneous armed uprisings began to occur frequently in neighboring regions. Assam, in particular, was a focal point of contention between South and Southeast Asian powers in ancient times, and therefore the main ethnic group in the region was actually the Dai people, who migrated from south of China.

British intervention led to the growing dominance of Indian culture in the region. Coupled with the continuous destruction of forest resources by British capital, which impoverished local tribes who depended on forest livelihoods, a sense of resistance against outsiders arose. Now that British power had been challenged, their resistance naturally intensified.

However, although Assam is a large state, its population is now very small. After the British continuously cut down the region's forest resources, they also relocated many Bengal farmers to cultivate farmland and tea plantations, which led to a continuous increase in the region's population. But just like the British methods of transforming other colonies, this change in population structure created conflicts between immigrants and natives, thus consolidating British rule.

Adjacent to Assam are two smaller princely states, Tripura and Manipur. To consolidate their rule, the British deliberately left these two states untouched, using their military forces to suppress rebellions by tribal peoples or Bengal farmers in Assam. At the same time, they closed off these states from external communication, allowing them to maintain their cultural independence and preventing them from interacting with the surrounding ethnic groups, thus creating cultural antagonism.

These princely states were thus more barbaric and backward than other British territories in India, because they retained more of their old feudal traditions and were further exploited by British capital. However, this war still shocked the lower classes in the region, making them realize that there was a group of people around them who resisted oppression and had even won.

Colonel Haig, who had retreated to the Teesta River, discovered that although they still controlled some cities in the region, they had lost control of the forest tribes. Some logging companies were no longer able to continue their operations, and he had no way to help these companies suppress the tribesmen, as the British army now had to fight a much stronger enemy.

Conversely, with the closure of logging companies, the British army lost its supporters in the region and had less information about the surrounding area. It became more difficult for the British army to maintain control in the region, as they could no longer rely on delegating some unimportant tasks to civilians.

Assam was not actually the People's Committee's primary focus for expansion. Their main objective was the region west of the Kosi River, as that was the heartland of Indian culture. The defeat at Gettihar forced the British to abandon the area and retreat south of the Ganges. Although the British reorganized their defenses and protected the Ganges and Poto River regions, the People's Committee, under Lin Xinyi's advocacy, expanded even faster, crossing the Kosi River before the British could adjust their deployment.

West of the Kosi River lies the Champawat region, where the infamous man-eating tiger roams the jungles. The reason this tiger dared to roam openly in Indian villages, frightening villagers out of their homes to hunt it, was because the British prohibited Indians from possessing weapons—any weapons that could be used to resist their rule. In Nepal, however, farmers at least had bows and arrows and spears for self-defense.

The British were so afraid of Indians possessing weapons because they were well aware of the kind of rule they exercised on this land. The Champawat region, located on the edge of the Ganges Plain, was actually developed earlier than the area east of the Kosi River. Therefore, it had less forest, a more advanced agricultural culture, and consequently, suffered greater oppression.

Under British colonial rule, Indian agriculture transitioned from feudal small-scale farming to a plantation economy. Indian plantations operated under two main models: the Zarat system and the Asamivar system. The former was essentially a regular farm system, while the latter forced farmers to cultivate crops demanded by the landowner on their allotted land. For every 20 katas cultivated, 3 katas had to be planted with tobacco or indigo, as required by the landowner.

The problem was that the landowners only provided the seeds, and the farmers had to work for free, usually on the most fertile land. In addition, the landowners levied various exorbitant taxes and levies on the farmers.

Farmers had to pay a water tax for water, and the irrigation facilities were built by the farmers themselves. Farmers also had to pay for major events like weddings and funerals; a daughter's wedding or a new bride's marriage cost 14 rupees, and a widow's remarriage cost 5 rupees. They also had to pay for holidays. Farmers needed to provide financial assistance when landlords bought horses, elephants, carts, or boats, and they even had to cover the farmers' medical expenses when they were sick.

If the plantation owner was British, then "a tenant farmer could not walk with an umbrella within a mile of the British plantation owner's house."

Under such brutal oppression, even wealthy self-sufficient farming families could not endure it any longer. When the People's Commissariat's army crossed the Gosi River, there was almost no resistance as expected; instead, countless peasants joined them.

According to a Brahmin-born yeoman farmer's public accusation against the British colonists and tax farmers, "...My family used to have 60 water buffaloes and 300 dairy cows, but now we only have 3 water buffaloes, 8 dairy cows, and 6 bulls. I don't want to grow indigo, but I've seen wealthy families go bankrupt because they refused to grow it. I wonder how long an ordinary farming family like mine can hold out?"

The arrival of the People's Committee abolished the exorbitant taxes levied by the British and tax-farming landowners, reduced land rent and loan interest, and redistributed some land, quickly establishing a foothold in the new areas. Often, it wasn't that the People's Committee sent troops to a place to occupy it; rather, the local peasants first drove out the local landowners and the British, and then invited the People's Committee over.

The man-eating tiger, which the British had spent years searching for, was quickly hunted down and killed by the People's Committee after it organized village militias. The mother tiger, whose teeth were injured, was unable to survive in the forest. The People's Committee's influence also rapidly expanded from the Gosi River to the Gunderg River, and then westward and southward from the Gunderg River.

In early December, a guerrilla force crossed the Ganges from the west of Patna and followed the Song River southward into the edge of the Jiaodanagepur Plateau. There, they joined forces with local peasant rebels and established their first base in the upper reaches of the Song River.

For Calcutta, the rapid expansion of this so-called Indian People's Committee was both a source of deep resentment and a source of helplessness. The British were astonished to find that without the support of the local landowners, it was difficult to even find traces of the resistance, and the landowners were precisely the ones opposing them because of the partition plan for Bengal.

At this anxious and unsettling time, the Prince and Princess of Wales' ship arrived in Kolkata.

Chapter 329 Monarchy

In 1867, Walter Bakihot, editor of The Economist, wrote a book called the British Charter. Until the 20th century, this book was still regarded as a constitutional bible for the British people because the real British constitution was too obscure and difficult for the general public to understand.

Bakihot once described the British monarchy as follows: "...its best reason for existence is that it is a form of government that people can understand. The masses understand it...It is often said that people are governed by their own imagination; however, people's thinking is usually controlled by the weaknesses in their own imagination."

The core of a charter, the act of a rally, the power struggle between political parties, the quiet spread of an ideology—all these are highly complex factors intertwined, making them difficult to discern and easily misleading to the public.

In comparison, the intentions behind an individual's actions, the expression of an individual's spirit, are easily understood ideas. Everyone can understand them, and no one will forget them.

To borrow a modern analogy, monarchy is essentially the personification of the state, treating the monarch as the symbol of the nation. The monarch's victory is the state's victory, the monarch's glory is the state's glory; naturally, the monarch's defeat becomes the state's defeat. Therefore, Napoleon's loss at Waterloo meant the loss of his empire.

The brilliance of the Victorian era produced the unique Queen Victoria, whose gluttonous nature was even seen as a manifestation of the British Empire's desire for expansion. Edward VII, however, was not as fortunate as his mother. He ascended the throne just as the empire was beginning its decline, a period marked by the Boer War.

But most Britons didn't perceive this, leading them to believe that Edward VII's overly indulgent and pleasure-seeking nature was ruining the empire. After all, upon ascending the throne, the king attempted to change the country's name to Edwardian England and opened the palace gates, turning Buckingham Palace into London's social center, attracting everyone from the nouveau riche and artisans to various expatriates. However, this also won the king favor among ordinary people, as he seemed much more approachable than Queen Victoria.

However, Edward VII was already 61 years old when he ascended the throne, and like Queen Victoria, he was a glutton. Therefore, although he was only 1.6 meters tall, his waist was 1.37 meters, so his physical condition was not very good. The Prince of Wales quickly took on the responsibilities of a father, such as overseas tours.

These visits to the colonies had become symbolic rituals of British imperial power by the early 20th century. Although the power to determine the British Empire resided in London, it was only when the British monarchy appeared in the colonies that the colonists truly realized their identity as subjects of the British monarch, rather than as subjects of British rule.

India is the crown jewel of the British Empire, and the Prince of Wales, as Crown Prince, was well aware of his purpose in visiting India. However, he hadn't anticipated such a disturbance in India before his arrival. This both angered him and made him feel a certain degree of admiration for someone.

As he told his wife Mary on the ship: "At least he is the first person to dare to challenge the British Empire head-on and slap us in the face. Since Napoleon, we have always been the ones hitting others, and this is the first time someone has dared to come up to us and do this. If I were not in this position, I would really admire his courage and intelligence."

George could speak so casually because, up to this point, the war had not shaken Britain's fundamental strength. The war was unsustainable not because it was unwinnable, but because it wasn't worthwhile. The British army in India was there to maintain order on the Indian subcontinent, not to determine victory or defeat; that role was played by the Royal Navy.

London's capitalists may be anxious about the decline in government bonds and stocks, but for the British aristocracy, it's not a big deal at all. When Napoleon imposed the Continental System on Britain, Britain was in no better shape than it is now, but after defeating Napoleon, the wealth returned to the British Empire.

After fighting for so long, the Chinese had indeed demonstrated the ability to threaten India, but their lenient treatment of British prisoners of war indicated that they were not prepared to fight to the death with the British. If the prisoners had been Afghans or mendicant monks, those captured British soldiers would not have survived, demonstrating that there was no room for compromise; it was a fight to the death. And in such a war, no British man believed he would lose.

But as things stand now, it can only be described as a civilized war. Since the two sides haven't reached the point of life and death, George can naturally appreciate the outstanding abilities of the opposing generals. As the Crown Prince, he is well aware that his emotions do not belong to himself, but to the British Empire. For example, the Boer War disgusted the British people, so the royal family wouldn't praise the war for bringing honor to Britain.

Upon their arrival in Kolkata, the crowds welcoming George and Mary were immense. Of course, only high-ranking Indians were allowed to stand at a distance beyond the security perimeter to catch a glimpse of the Crown Prince and Princess's carriage; getting close was out of the question. Perhaps some Indian elites would be received by the Crown Prince and Princess, but their security would need to be confirmed first.

As far as the Crown Prince and his wife's safety is concerned, the Earl of Minto and Lord Kitchener have done everything they can. At least for now, Calcutta is solemn and safe, and the British have devoted almost all of Calcutta's resources to the protection of the Crown Prince and his wife.

The hospitality for the Crown Prince and his wife was also extremely lavish. The Indian government set up 50 large royal outdoor campsites, paved with stone bricks, with bedrooms, living rooms, and bathrooms, and furnished with luxurious furniture, for the Crown Prince, his wife, and their entourage to stay in. Since there were as many as 500 guards just to look after the Crown Prince and his wife's luggage, it would have been impossible to accommodate so many people without these temporary campsites.

However, although George fulfilled his duties perfectly at the grand ceremony, he was actually more interested in the war facing India, so he brought up the topic first when he spoke privately with Earl Minto and Lord Kitchener.

The Earl of Minto didn't really want to bring up the topic, even though it was Prince George who brought it up first. After all, since William III, the King had stopped directly interfering in government affairs, which had become an unspoken rule in British politics. However, he also knew that given the current situation in India, refusing to answer the Prince's question would be detrimental to him.

After thinking for a moment, he said a few words and concluded: "Although those Chinese have succeeded for a time, they cannot shake the rule of the British Empire in the Indian subcontinent. We have not yet gone all out."

George thought Earl Minto was talking nonsense. Did the Chinese really go all out? Although he couldn't read all the official documents for his father, he knew from reading the newspaper every day that the situation in India couldn't be dismissed with a simple "not going all out".

However, he ultimately restrained himself, after all, he was not yet the true King of England, and the Earl of Minto could not yet be considered his subject. He could only turn his gaze to Lord Kitchener and inquire about the nature of Lin Feng.

Faced with the Crown Prince's curiosity, Lord Kitchener, though reluctant to mention the man, reluctantly recounted the information he had gathered. He concluded by saying, "While he cannot be considered an upright soldier, for he never initiated a battle head-on, I believe he is not without integrity, for our wounded have all received excellent care..."

After hearing this, George said, "He sounds like an excellent general, after all, he has always won with fewer troops, which is somewhat similar to Napoleon's record. So, is he willing to make peace with the British Empire?"

Count Minto subconsciously placed his right thumb on his temple, and after a long while said, "The demands he made on us were utter nonsense. I don't think he had any intention of negotiating with us at all."

George then inquired about the other party's response, and Count Minto remained silent for a few seconds before saying, "He demands that we first publicly apologize for the massacres of Qumi Xin Gu, Naining Temple, and Jore Tange, and make compensation."

Secondly, China should acknowledge that the British invasions of Sikkim, Bhutan, Tibet, and other regions were invasions of Chinese territory, renegotiate a border treaty, cancel the previous illegal treaties, and make reparations.

Finally, they supported the Indian people's struggle against oppression but would not comment on or interfere with such actions. They also claimed that the Chinese people had the right to join the Indian people's struggle in their individual capacity, which was their personal freedom.

After hearing these answers, George felt that the other party did not seem to be sincere in negotiating, so he asked the two men, "If the negotiations break down, what do you plan to do with the Chinese?"

Count Minto turned his gaze to Lord Kitchener beside him, clearly believing that the question should be answered by the military. But Lord Kitchener remained silent for a long time, refusing to utter a word, as if it were not a question he should answer.

It was George himself who felt pressured by the silence, and he eventually broke it by changing the subject, thus preventing the conversation from ending.

However, when George returned to the living room after finishing his conversation with the two men, he couldn't help but complain to his wife Mary, "...those two seem completely unable to figure out a solution to the current problems in India. I don't know who they're trying to impress with their tough stance..."

Lord Kitchener wasn't without options; his solution was to continue expanding his army and fighting the Chinese until they withdrew from India. However, he knew his ideas wouldn't garner London's support, so there was no point in revealing them to the Crown Prince. If the Crown Prince publicly disclosed his thoughts, it would only give London the impression that he was using the Crown Prince to pressure them through public opinion, which wouldn't be good for him. Therefore, silence was golden.

Chapter 330 Passing on a Message

Prince George was to meet not only Earl Minto and Lord Kitchener, but also senior Indian government officials and prominent figures in India. If it weren't for the war, the rulers of Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan, and even the Panchen Lama, Chan Chan and Dalai Lama of Tibet, would also have been among those received.

However, the number of people Prince George receives has been greatly reduced. Charles Bell, though, remains among the top on the list. This former Darjeeling Commissioner has become an important channel of communication between the British Indian government and the People's Committee. He is also one of the few British people who have met Lin Feng; others may have seen Lin Feng, but have no idea who he is.

During his meeting with Bell, Crown Prince George still showed great interest in the Chinese. When faced with the Crown Prince's questions, Bell paused for a moment before saying, "In my opinion, his political achievements are far superior to his military achievements. Also, if Your Highness does not mind, I would like to pass on some words to Your Highness."

"Whose message should I relay this to?" Prince George looked at Bell with some surprise, but he quickly saw the answer in Bell's eyes and readily said, "Please speak, I don't mind hearing what he has to say."

Charles Bell first thought it through in his mind before speaking cautiously and slowly: "He said: The hegemony of the British Empire comes from two reliable pillars, the pound sterling and the Royal Navy. And those who can challenge these two pillars must be developed industrial countries, not agricultural countries with no industry. Therefore, neither India nor China is a match for the British Empire."

Prince George was stunned for a moment before he understood what Bell meant. He had never been groomed as the heir to the throne, so he was not very knowledgeable about politics. As a result, London newspapers often criticized him for being clueless about politics and having no idea whatsoever. But he had at least received a general education, so he could naturally understand such simple and clear words.

He nodded in agreement, saying, "Although I don't understand what he meant by saying these things, I think he's right."

Bell agreed with this assessment, which is why he dared to relay Lin Feng's message. No matter how you looked at it, with the war escalating to this point, further conflict would plunge India into chaos, which would clearly be more detrimental to the British Empire. Therefore, since Lin Feng intended to adopt a peaceful stance, Bell had no choice but to do his utmost to secure peace.

These words couldn't be spoken to Earl Minto and Lord Kitchener, because they couldn't discuss these issues from an imperial perspective. Their current positions didn't allow them to study these matters; they were merely executors of imperial policy and maintainers of the imperial system. Although Prince George couldn't interfere in the government's work, his position allowed him to participate in these discussions. Even Bell had to admit that Lin Feng had a considerable understanding of the British monarchy.

Seeing that Prince George did not object to this statement, Bell continued, "Therefore, he believes that the Empire's balanced foreign policy, which has continued since the 19th century, has become flawed because the Empire has focused too much on its apparent war power and ignored the growing war potential brought about by industrial development."

In the agricultural era, wealth and a large fleet that required centuries of accumulation could be built in less than a decade for modern industrialized nations. In other words, Britain's containment of Indian industry was essentially weakening the empire itself. An agricultural India could hardly support the hegemony of the British Empire, and it couldn't even feed its own people.

Therefore, the 20th-century British Empire's foreign policy of balancing power should have focused on balancing the developmental disparities between nations through industrial strength, rather than simply dividing spheres of influence. That approach would only lead to widespread discontent. The British Empire would then face a series of challenges, only to find that no one was willing to stand by its side…

After a long silence, Prince George said somewhat awkwardly, "Doesn't that seem a bit of an exaggeration? How could we not even have a single friend?"