Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 153

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's tough stance towards the army was at least half feigned. After all, to become the leader of the navy and protect the interests of the Satsuma clique, Yamamoto couldn't be too weak towards the army. But Hayashi Nobuyoshi truly had no fear of the army; otherwise, he wouldn't have been able to come up with a plan so quickly to have the army take the blame instead of the navy.

Although Lin Xinyi's series of achievements in Tibet and India did indeed make Ito look at him differently, he did not think that Lin Xinyi would consider the issue of his safe resignation before returning to Japan. It is very likely that when Lin Xinyi was considering the future direction of the navy, he would resolve the predicament he was facing in order to gain his support for this direction. Otherwise, he would not have glossed over the issue in a few words.

Ito now truly understands how Saigo Tsugumichi felt about Hayashi Nobuyoshi back then: an uncontrollable genius—if you don't bring him into the Navy, the Navy will be in trouble; if you do bring him in, the Navy's leadership will have a headache. Because you can never guess what he's thinking; rules that are insurmountable for others are no different from toys in his eyes.

If he were ten years younger, he would definitely have put a good test on this young man's character. But now, his thoughts are similar to those of Saigo back then. His era has passed, and the world should be left to the younger generation to make their mark. At least the future of the Navy won't be so predictable.

Even if the naval shogunate were to actually be established, it wouldn't really concern him much; he's already this old. But following this path, at least he can weather the current difficulties and not lose control of the navy. An elder statesman abandoned by the people and the military can no longer exert any political influence; Kuroda Kiyotaka is a prime example of this.

Ito certainly didn't want to become a second Kuroda Kiyotaka, so he quickly turned to Kawahara Yoichi beside him and asked, "What do you think of Shingi's principles?"

"Is that even a question? This scheme is far too insidious; it's not something a hero would do." However, this thought only briefly crossed Kawahara's mind. After all, he was no longer the passionate captain of the Yoshino. Under Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's suppression, he almost retired at the Naval Academy.

When Yamamoto Gonnohyōe came to power, he carried out a major overhaul of the navy's personnel under the banner of meritocracy, dismissing 97 naval officers within a month, including 8 fleet commanders. At that time, the navy only had 13 fleet commanders in total. This bold approach even frightened Saigo and Yamagata, who were pushing for naval reform.

At that time, Kawahara naively believed that Yamamoto was doing this for the future of the navy. However, after the First Sino-Japanese War, Yamamoto launched another round of naval personnel reforms. This time, Kawahara was also included in the adjustment. Only then did he realize that Yamamoto was not actually carrying out personnel reforms but personnel struggles. Anyone who disagreed with Yamamoto within the navy, even those from the Satsuma clique, would be suppressed by him.

If he hadn't met his good student, Hayashi Shin-yi, he probably would have been retired after being promoted to lieutenant general. He wouldn't be sitting in the Shinagawa Naval General Staff building, contradicting Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. A hero is worthy of admiration, but he's not suited to life in the mortal world; Kawahara is already past the age of being a true hero.

Faced with Ito's question, Kawahara replied calmly, "The future of the Navy depends on your honor, and the future of the Navy is in turn related to the future of Japan. I believe there is nothing wrong with Shingi's position. If the Army truly cared about the country, they wouldn't have fallen into this trap. So, it depends on what the Army thinks, not what we do."

Ito sighed and said, "Yes, if the army really cared about the country, it wouldn't be pressing the navy so relentlessly. We had no choice. However, if the army doesn't consider the country's interests, the navy still needs to maintain unity between the army and navy. We need to find a reliable newspaper to prevent the army from blaming the navy afterwards."

Kawahara was somewhat troubled. He didn't have much contact with the press and couldn't think of anyone to set this trap for. In fact, Vice Minister of the Navy Saito Makoto was on good terms with many journalists, but this matter obviously couldn't be entrusted to him.

Just as Kawahara hesitated, Hayashi Shin-yi suddenly spoke up: "Actually, I have an idea. Although liberals and civil rights activists are suppressed by the military, they still have a significant influence in the cultural world. I suggest that we can handle this matter through them. That way, the navy will not have direct contact with the newspapers that interview the army, and it will be easier to shirk responsibility afterward."

All we need to do is promise them that if the navy comes to power, it will loosen restrictions on speech. This will inevitably lead the cultural sphere to favor the navy and actively attack the army, which will also benefit the navy's future influence over Tokyo's culture—a crucial means of controlling the thoughts of Tokyo citizens.

Kawahara breathed a sigh of relief. In order to get rid of this trouble completely, he subconsciously asked, "So how do we contact these liberals and civil rights activists? And how do we get them to do things for us without making a scene?"

Lin Xinyi replied without hesitation: "The navy's achievements in this war against Russia can be described as brilliant. This is the first time that the Easterners have defeated the fleet of the Western powers at sea, which is of great significance."

While Eastern nations could salvage some prestige on land by leveraging terrain and stratagems against European powers, naval confrontations became a true contest of national strength and intellect. Therefore, the victory in the naval battle against Russia not only significantly enhanced Japan's international standing but also ignited a sense of antagonism towards European powers among the various Eastern colonies.

Therefore, it is necessary for us to conduct a large-scale propaganda campaign for this war, not only to boost national confidence, but also to let Asian countries know that the ambition and intelligence of people of Asian descent are no less than those of people of Asian descent. In this way, Japan will not be an isolated power of people of color in the world, but a pioneer of an independent nation supported by people of color.

Therefore, the Navy needs to vigorously publicize this victory, not just by reporting a few news articles, but also by using various channels such as literature, drama, and film to promote its significance. To achieve this, the Navy needs to establish a dedicated agency to be responsible for publicity work.

Of course, the establishment of this institution will also promote the dissemination of the navy's future direction within the navy, unify the understanding of the navy's personnel, and thus make them consciously support the navy's leadership over Japan. This is also the first step in the naval shogunate, first gaining leadership over the cultural sphere.

In the process of contacting the cultural sector to promote naval propaganda, we can easily select newspapers and reporters suitable for interviewing the army.

Seeing that Ito and Kawahara remained silent, Hayashi Shin-yi volunteered again: "I'd love to work in this new department, and it would also be a good opportunity to learn how to deal with the cultural world. My dream job used to be the Department of Literature at the University of Tokyo, and I don't think anyone else is as suitable as me for this job."

Upon hearing this, Kawahara couldn't help but remind him, "Actually, there are many important positions in the General Staff that are more suitable for you, and this matter may not necessarily require you to take charge."

Lin Xinyi calmly said, "The Navy may have many more important jobs, but I am rather easygoing and don't seem to fit well with those jobs. I think I would be more comfortable doing cultural work."

Kawahara wanted to try and persuade him further, but Ito interrupted him, "Are you really planning to take charge of this new department? What kind of support do you want?"

After thinking for a while, Lin Xinyi said, "With policy, staffing, personnel, budget and office space, I can start working."

After pondering for a few moments, Ito asked again, "What kind of policy do you want?"

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment before replying, “There are no fixed rules for cultural propaganda, so I hope that the naval leadership will not interfere too specifically. As long as my work is within the prescribed general naval guidelines, the naval leadership cannot exercise their power to interfere based on personal feelings. After all, propaganda for the navy is for the benefit of the navy as a whole, not for any individual.”

Both Ito and Kawahara assumed that Hayashi Shinji was referring to Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. After a moment's thought, Ito asked Kawahara, "Is Yamamoto going to convene a meeting of generals this weekend to discuss the future direction of the navy after the war?"

Kawahara nodded and said, "Yes, it is said that Vice Minister Saito proposed it. He believes that the navy's achievements in this operation have surpassed those of the army, so he wants to use the great victory in the naval battle to put pressure on the army and force the army to acknowledge the true nature of the navy as the master and the army as the servant. However, Saito did not say how to put pressure on the army. He probably wanted to talk about it at the meeting."

In fact, Kawahara had a vague idea in his mind that the Navy Ministry might not just want to put pressure on the Army this time, but might also want to regain control of the Naval General Staff.

Due to the Satsuma Rebellion, the Navy was temporarily subordinate to the Army, which resulted in a less clearly defined power structure within the Navy compared to the Army. Although the Navy established three central agencies—the Ministry of the Navy, the Education Headquarters, and the Naval General Staff—after regaining its independence, the responsibilities of the latter two were not clearly defined. Almost all subordinate units were accountable to the Ministry of the Navy or the Minister of the Navy, and the Education Headquarters and the Naval General Staff did not receive separate departmental jurisdiction.

Leaving aside the Ministry of Education, even the schools under its jurisdiction are directly under the Minister of the Navy or under the jurisdiction of the naval districts. The Ministry of Education can only review or plan the teaching content. Even the General Staff, which represents the Emperor during wartime, can only make plans on a regular basis and has no control over specific departments.

In peacetime, each naval district and fleet is responsible to the Minister of the Navy. In wartime, coastal defense and shore-based bases for ships are the responsibility of each naval district, which in turn reports directly to the Emperor. As for naval resources for external operations, all armed forces are managed by the Combined Fleet, whose commander-in-chief is equivalent to the Minister of the Navy at sea. As a result, the Chief of the Naval General Staff finds himself with nothing to do in wartime.

Before the war, the Naval General Staff attempted to become independent of the Ministry of the Navy, which Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could not stop. However, the war created a naval hero – Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet, Togo Heihachirō.

Togo was recommended by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to take office. After the war ended and the Combined Fleet was disbanded, Togo Heihachirō couldn't just retire to a naval base, could he? The Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff had to make room for him. This is why Kawahara was willing to support the new naval policy. He couldn't just stand by and watch Yamamoto and Saitō join forces with Togo to oust him from power.

Ito then said, "I think we should hold this generals' meeting in Shinagawa. Since the discussion is about the post-war development of the navy, it's better to keep a low profile. After all, the war is not over yet, and it might not be a good thing to draw other people's attention to the navy. As for the proposal to set up a special agency to be in charge of cultural promotion, I think Nobuyoshi's suggestion is very reasonable. Let's bring it up at the meeting."

Kawahara nodded in agreement, and Ito then turned to Lin Xinyi and said, "If you want to be in charge of cultural promotion, then give it a try. If you feel it's not suitable, then bring it up as soon as possible. Anyway, you're still young, and you still have the opportunity to choose again. Don't run around these next few days, and you can attend the meeting this weekend."

Lin Xinyi looked at Ito with some surprise and said, "Is it inappropriate for me to attend the generals' meeting? Chief of Staff Kawahara can propose a new route plan on his own."

Ito looked at him and said, "But you wrote the investigation report. If you don't come forward to answer the questions from the officers, the report won't be convincing."

Kawahara agreed with Ito's view. Although Hayashi Nobuyoshi's rank was indeed insufficient to qualify him for the general officers' meeting, his presence as a participant in the investigation report would increase its persuasiveness. After all, no one in the navy had a record that surpassed Hayashi Nobuyoshi's; only Togo Heihachiro barely qualified. However, Togo Heihachiro had the support of the entire nation of Japan behind him, while Hayashi Nobuyoshi relied entirely on his own abilities in India.

Aside from seniority, the naval councilors attending the generals' meeting had no concrete achievements to question Hayashi Shin-yi, not even Navy Minister Yamamoto. And Togo couldn't possibly abandon the Combined Fleet and return to Japan to attend the meeting. This meant that Hayashi Shin-yi, representing the Naval General Staff, was actually the one with the most brilliant battle record, which immediately expanded the Naval General Staff's influence.

Lin Xinyi didn't want to attend the general officers' meeting, not because he felt he wasn't qualified, but because he didn't want to repeat his own arguments. After persuading Chief of Staff Kawahara and Elder Ito, the passage of the new naval policy was almost guaranteed. Even though the Minister of the Navy had considerable influence at the general officers' meeting—after all, many members were directly nominated by the Minister of the Navy—Yamamoto and these naval members could not go against the will of the entire navy.

However, since Ito and Kawahara emphasized this, he nodded in agreement. Upon returning to Japan, he didn't intend to remain behind the scenes forever; sooner or later, he would be exposed to the light of day. After all, establishing control over the greater Tokyo area couldn't be achieved by hiding behind someone. Even if Ito Sukeyuki truly became the Shogun, it didn't mean he could be manipulated at will. Ultimately, he would still have to step forward to fight for control over various resources, thereby forcing everyone to acknowledge that he possessed such power.

When Ito left the Saigo family, the sun had already set on Mount Daikan. Standing in front of the carriage, he glanced at Hayashi Shin'i, who was standing in the courtyard seeing him off, and couldn't help but say to Kawahara, who was leaving with him, "Lord Saigo was really wise to bring Shin'i into the navy. If he had fallen into Lord Ito's hands, even if we and the army were combined, we probably wouldn't be able to handle those two."

Kawahara opened his mouth, unsure how to respond, but the thought of the scene sent a chill down his spine. He couldn't help but mutter, "With Ito lacking principles and Shinji acting unpredictably, Yamagata and Saigo will probably just flip the table..."

Although Togo Masamichi, who was standing with Lin Xinyi, was very curious about what the three of them had talked about that afternoon, he refrained from asking Lin Xinyi about it, since Ito seemed quite relieved when he left. Since Ito didn't want him to listen in, he knew that asking would only arouse Ito's suspicion. So, after seeing Ito's carriage leave, he asked Lin Xinyi, "So, are you going back to Furukawa Bridge, or are you staying here until the weekend, and I'll come and pick you up for the meeting?"

Lin Xinyi withdrew his gaze from the gate and said to Togo, "Neither the Saigo family nor Furukawa Bridge are convenient places to go out. I plan to visit some old friends and relatives in Tokyo in the next couple of days, so I'll find a place to stay on my own. But teacher, since I've filled out the form for these past few years, can my back pay be issued?"

Togo gave him a suspicious look and asked, "You're not thinking of using the money to go out and fool around in Shinbashi, are you? Even if you are, wait until after this weekend. Chief of Staff Kawahara just emphasized to me that you must not be allowed to run around. Wouldn't it be better for you to rest and recuperate for a few days?"

Lin Xinyi had to defend himself, saying, "When have I ever gone out fooling around?" But seeing the other person's dismissive look, and recalling his past being tricked into going to the naval academy, he changed his tune, saying, "Actually, I have things to do. You'll find out the reason after the weekend..."

Chapter 545

The door to Hiranuma Kiichiro's office at the Ministry of Justice was suddenly pushed open. Hiranuma, who was reviewing files, looked up somewhat displeased, wondering which rude fellow couldn't even knock. However, upon seeing the person standing at the door, his displeasure vanished instantly. He immediately stood up and greeted him with a forced smile, "Minister Hara, what brings you here? If you needed anything, you could have just had someone call me."

Hara Yoshimichi waved his hand at his senior with a reserved expression and said, "I don't have anything to do. I just wanted to ask if you're free tonight, senior? Let's go to Shinbashi for a drink together, and I can introduce you to someone while I'm at it."

Although it was an invitation, Hara Yoshimichi's tone brooked no refusal, but Hiranuma replied cheerfully without any sign of hesitation, "I'm free, of course I'm free. It's about time, I'll organize my documents and then I can leave..."

Kiichiro Hiranuma was two years older than Yoshimichi Hara, and the two had known each other since school. However, at that time, Yoshimichi Hara held Hiranuma in much higher esteem, as Hiranuma was the top student of the 1888 class. If it weren't for his connection with Heikichi Ogawa, which allowed him to join the navy, Yoshimichi Hara would never have been able to surpass Hiranuma, the elite prosecutor who was making a name for himself in the Ministry of Justice.

However, the clan politics that the Tokyo University elites hated was a love-hate relationship. Ogawa Heikichi and Hara Yoshimichi, who lacked seniority, climbed up to their seniors by getting involved with the navy. Although these people were considered "one of their own" by the Tokyo University elites, and were better than the old bureaucrats in the clan's pockets, some people found them even more detestable than the old bureaucrats. This was because the result of overthrowing the clan politics was to share politics according to the seniority of the academic elites, rather than allowing newcomers to rise to the top.

However, among these academic elites, there were also those who knew how to adapt to the situation. For example, Hiranuma Kiichiro shamelessly knelt before the junior who had been following behind him, without feeling any embarrassment whatsoever. Hiranuma's tactfulness prompted Hara Yoshimichi to want to bring this talented senior into his circle.

To be fair, the Tokyo University law elites, including Hara Yoshimichi, were actually quite unlucky. They didn't catch the best time. The group after the Meiji Restoration, who were merely studying in Europe, became the pioneers of the Japanese legal profession simply by translating European laws back to Japan. However, many of them only translated a few books and didn't have their own legal thought at all.

Even Ito Hirobumi, the father of the Japanese Constitution, was greatly despised by these elites cultivated since the mid-Meiji period. They believed that Ito had only listened to a few speeches by famous people in Europe whose names were unknown to the Japanese, and then he would boast about it all day long to suppress those who questioned the Constitution of the Great Japan. He was making laws entirely with power rather than thought.

They also missed the period when the Meiji Restoration government lacked talent in Western learning. Although the feudal lords controlled the government, the samurai did not understand how Western politics worked. Therefore, even though Western ideas, laws and systems were introduced, it was still necessary for elites who truly understood Western law to make this new system work. As a result, the Meiji Restoration government left many vacancies in the middle and lower classes for professional elites. For example, Hiranuma Kiichiro caught the last train.

Therefore, the Tokyo University elites, who had no other way to advance, generally accepted the ideas of freedom and civil rights and were dismissive of the feudal clique politics. After Yoshimichi Hara, Heikichi Ogawa, and other Tokyo University elites entered the legal profession, they represented farmers, workers and the government in court. It was not that they had any sympathy for the workers, but that they wanted to prove that they understood the essence of the law better than the nepotism employed by the feudal cliques.

However, after Hara Yoshimichi and Ogawa Heikichi rose to power, their resentment towards the feudal clan system diminished. They automatically formed a new power clique, attempting to protect their vested interests. This clique was naturally built upon the foundation of the University of Tokyo's law department, with Ogawa Heikichi and Hara Yoshimichi at its core.

The Faculty of Law at the University of Tokyo was the foundation of the Ito faction, so after Ito founded the Rikken Seiyukai (Constitutional Political Friends Association), most of the elite graduates from the Faculty of Law joined the association. However, Ito Hirobumi ultimately failed to completely destroy the ambitions of the feudal cliques, which greatly disappointed the elites of the University of Tokyo who had been trained to replace them. With the assassination of the liberal leader Hoshikuni, Ito Sukeyuki extended an olive branch to Ogawa Heikichi and others when he formed a cabinet. Ogawa Heikichi and Hara Yoshimichi then led a group of people to leave the Rikken Seiyukai, forming a small circle centered around the elites of the University of Tokyo.

However, Hara Yoshimichi and Ogawa Heikichi's foundations were still too shallow. This power circle was actually guaranteed by their positions in the Ito cabinet. Once Ito stepped down, their small circle would probably collapse. Therefore, Hara Yoshimichi was actually more concerned about tonight's gathering than Hiranuma, because tonight would determine whether this small circle had a future.

Since Kasumigaseki became the center of central government agencies, the ryotei (traditional Japanese restaurants) in Shinbashi have flourished again. Almost every ryotei has a relatively fixed clientele of bureaucrats and politicians. These ryotei are not only places for these people to eat and have fun, but also secret venues for secret meetings and collusion between financial groups. The owners of the ryotei even act as political brokers.

Therefore, people who want to do business in Tokyo but can't find a way around it will only waste their energy going to the various ministries and government offices, while those who are familiar with Tokyo's nightlife will look for the ryotei (traditional Japanese restaurants) that the corresponding ministries and government offices frequent, and communicate privately with officials through the ryotei, getting things done over a meal.

Ogawa Heikichi and Hara Yoshimichi's inner circle naturally had a familiar ryotei (traditional Japanese restaurant). When Hara Yoshimichi and Hiranuma Kiichiro entered the ryotei, the hostess immediately stepped forward to greet them and lead the way, without even asking if they had a reservation. When the hostess opened the door to a tatami room, lively sounds came from inside. Hiranuma immediately recognized several familiar faces, the only two strangers being Prime Minister Ito's press secretary, Abe, and the young man sitting next to Abe.

Could it be that Abe Isoo is the person that Hara Yoshimichi wanted to introduce to him tonight? Hiranuma Kiichiro couldn't help but wonder. Although Abe Isoo's position was high enough, he was not a close confidant of Prime Minister Ito. In fact, Abe's ability to obtain such a position had once puzzled the political world, because Abe and the naval elder Ito had no connection whatsoever.

As a bureaucrat in the Ministry of Justice, Kiichiro Hiranuma actually investigated Isoo Abe's background more thoroughly. Isoo's political views were more radical than those of ordinary liberals and civil rights advocates. He was a socialist and even co-founded the Social Democratic Party of Japan with Shusui Kotoku. He was one of the targets of close surveillance by the Metropolitan Police Department.

To make matters worse, Abe, a Christian and a pacifist, made several inappropriate remarks in the newspapers after Japan joined the war. As a result, Prime Minister Ito sidelined him instead of dismissing him. It can only be said that Prime Minister Ito was very magnanimous. If Yamagata had been prime minister, Abe would not have gotten away with it so easily.

Hiranuma Kiichiro was puzzled. Was such a washed-up prime minister's secretary really worth being introduced to by Hara Yoshimichi? However, his doubts were quickly resolved. Hara Yoshimichi's greeting to Abe was merely perfunctory, but he was very friendly towards the young man beside him, quickly introducing Hiranuma: "This is a fellow townsman from Nagano, a rising star in the Navy. Hiranuma-senpai, you should definitely get to know him well..."

Hara Yoshimichi said that Hiranuma should get closer to this fellow Nagano native, but when everyone rearranged the seating, Hara Yoshimichi and Ogawa Heikichi flanked the young man at one end, while Hiranuma Kiichiro and the others sat with Abe Isoo. Watching the three on the other side constantly whispering to each other, Hiranuma became even more certain that this young man named Hayashi Shinji was the main guest tonight. However, with the two sides separated by the table and the interference of geisha, he really couldn't hear what the three were saying, talking so intently.

At the other end of the Japanese-style room, Lin Xinyi bluntly stated the purpose of his request for the gathering to the two people beside him, "Actually, the reason I invited you two uncles to meet tonight is to ask what you two uncles plan to do after Prime Minister Ito takes office?"

Although Ogawa Heikichi and Hara Yoshimichi were unsure how Hayashi Shin-yi was doing in the Navy after graduating from the Naval Academy, they knew from the fact that Hayashi Shin-yi had brought Abe Isoo to the party that he might not have been asking the question on their behalf tonight.

Ogawa Heikichi was slightly more relaxed. He and Hayashi Shin-yi had a close relationship similar to that of a retainer. According to the social morality of this era, it was impossible for him and Hayashi Shin-yi to sever their ties. Even if he denied it himself, no one would believe him. Therefore, he believed that Hayashi Shin-yi would not cheat him. Moreover, he had talked with Hayashi Shin-yi before he came, so he was not too surprised.

Hara Yoshimichi, on the other hand, seemed more cautious after hearing the question. After all, he had only made contact with the Navy through Ogawa's connections, and his relationship with Hayashi Shin'ichi was more distant. If he didn't answer the question well, the other party would probably just abandon him.

Although Hayashi Shin-yi was very young, since Hayashi Shin-yi was able to promote him to the position of Minister of Justice at an even younger age, Hara Yoshimichi could not possibly regard Hayashi Shin-yi as a junior. In fact, Hayashi Shin-yi was his true benefactor. Prime Minister Ito merely appointed him based on Hayashi Shin-yi's recommendation and had no close relationship with him.

Although the Meiji Restoration claimed to be a comprehensive learning of Western civilization, the government was still established by the former samurai class. These samurai carried on many traditions of feudal politics, such as emphasizing the loyalty and obedience of retainers to their lords.

Yuan Jiadao can certainly abandon Lin Xinyi now, even if the other party has Ito Genro standing behind him. Given the current domestic and international political situation, it is estimated that Ito Genro will find it difficult to step down peacefully. This means that after Ito steps down, not only will the domestic political situation change drastically, but even the navy will probably be reshuffled. So what can a junior naval officer do to him, the Minister of Justice?

However, this completely ruined his reputation. No political force would truly trust him in the future. After all, Lin Xinyi, who had recommended him, had never asked for anything in return. And he kicked him aside as soon as he lost power. Who would dare to use him?

After much deliberation, Hara Yoshimichi finally replied, "If Lord Ito steps down, I will naturally leave as well. If Elder Ito has any instructions, I will do my best to fulfill them, and I will not hesitate to do so within my power."

Lin Xinyi nodded slightly and said, "The Prime Minister acknowledges your work at the Ministry of Justice. In fact, the Prime Minister has no demands on either of you. However, the Prime Minister is very worried about one thing: after the dissolution of this government, how much of the work you two have devoted yourselves to over the past few years will be left behind?"

It is said that some bureaucrats were not entirely satisfied with the reforms implemented by the two leaders during their tenure, and they privately clamored to correct these erroneous policies after the reshuffle. So, how did the former leaders view this issue?

The so-called discontent of certain bureaucrats is essentially due to the bureaucrats who are attached to the feudal lords. After Yoshimichi and Ogawa Heikichi became ministers, whether to maintain their own authority or to fight for the interests of their relatives and friends, they inevitably chose professional bureaucrats from the University of Tokyo to replace those incompetent private members of the feudal lords.

Tokyo University was originally built by the Meiji Restoration government as a training institution for professional bureaucrats. However, the new government's corruption was far faster than the Restorationists had imagined. Whether it was Yamagata or Kuroda, these clan members quickly restored the private power circles of the Edo period, arranging government positions based on the closeness of relationships, instead of reserving important government positions for elites who graduated from the university.

This resulted in university students, who should have been pillars of the government, ultimately becoming opponents of the feudal clan politics. This is as ridiculous as the Edo Shogunate sending personnel abroad to study, most of whom eventually became anti-shogunate activists. Therefore, no matter how grateful Hara Yoshimichi and Ogawa Heikichi were to Ito Sukeyuki after taking power, they would not hesitate to eliminate the private factions within the prefecture. It was a binary issue; the two sides could not possibly reconcile unless one completely abandoned their desire to govern.

If Lin Xinyi made any personal requests, then Yuan Jiadao would have to weigh the pros and cons. But when he heard the other party ask this question, he knew that he had no choice, because he could not separate himself from his comrades. He could not survive in Japan alone.

At the same time, he instantly realized that it wasn't that Ito Genro needed their help, but rather that they needed Ito Genro. If all their reform policies were overturned by their successors after they stepped down, it would mean that their years as ministers had been in vain, leaving no political legacy. Worse still, this outcome would also mean that the outside world would see the predicament of the two men having no one behind them, which is why their successors so readily overturned all the policies they had formulated.

Hara Yoshimichi glanced at Ogawa before solemnly seeking advice from Hayashi Shin-yi: "I wonder if you have any advice for me? We believe that you have made great achievements during your years in office. Even if this government is dissolved, your achievements should not be forgotten. On this issue, we will naturally stand with you."

Lin Xinyi picked up the sake pot and poured a cup of sake for Hara Yoshimichi, then said nonchalantly, "What position could you possibly have? Your position is simply that you hope Japan will continue to progress and not regress."

For example, since taking office, Your Excellency has been committed to building a society governed by the rule of law, hoping to give the people more political and social freedoms, and the work of the Ministry of Justice perfectly embodies this.

However, one thing you are unsure about is whether the next government, after taking over the Ministry of Justice, will use it to suppress freedom of speech. I wonder what the former minister could do about this?

How should one interpret this? Even Hara Yoshimichi, known for his quick wit, was at a loss for words. After all, under Ito's leadership, the Ministry of Justice's control over public opinion seemed to have intensified. The so-called greater political and personal freedoms—were they nonexistent?

Seeing that Hara Yoshimichi seemed confused, Hayashi Shin-yi continued, "Does the Metropolitan Police Department collect files on newspapers and individuals who criticize the government? For example, do they monitor socialist groups?"

Yuan Jiadao then realized what was happening and nodded, saying, "Yes, there is such a batch of files."

Lin Xinyi casually asked, "Could you hand over these files to the Military Command's Cultural Affairs Department?"

Yuan Jiadao fell silent. Lin Xinyi glanced at him and said, "Minister Yuan seems to be in a dilemma?"

Ogawa, who was standing nearby, immediately spoke up to persuade him, "It's just transferring the files to the Military General Staff, not destroying them. Kame-taro, is it that difficult?"

Hara Yoshimichi had to explain, "It's already unusual for the Metropolitan Police Department to transfer these files to the Ministry of Justice, and then to hand them over to the Naval General Staff. There's no precedent for that. The next Minister of Justice will immediately uncover this problem when he takes office. It will be very difficult to explain then."

Lin Xinyi, however, dismissed the suggestion, saying, "What's so difficult about that? It's just a matter of finding a suitable excuse. The Ministry of Justice can propose to centrally store and organize the case files of the Metropolitan Police Department, the Prosecutor's Office, and the Supreme Court. The Ministry of Justice certainly doesn't have that much space to store them, so we can just borrow a place from the Navy. We'll handle the rest ourselves. What does Minister Yuan think?"

Yuan Jiadao glanced at the calm and collected Lin Xinyi, as if what they had just discussed was a trivial matter. After a moment's hesitation, he decided to stake his bet and said, "Alright, I'll go back and prepare. I'll send an official document to the Military Command later..."

Chapter 546

Since Hara Yoshimichi had already placed his bets on the Navy, Hayashi Shinji was well aware that the Ministry of Justice's files would be handed over to the Navy, not him. Although he hadn't informed Ito and Kawahara of his actions tonight, he knew they would endorse them.

After all, if the Navy wanted to follow the path of the Shogunate, it couldn't avoid winning over the political world. Although Hara Yoshimichi and Ogawa Heikichi didn't have strong foundations, they might not easily become the Navy's allies, given their closer ties with the University of Tokyo. Now, Hara Yoshimichi's actions further demonstrated his loyalty to the Navy, which was an unexpected bonus for them.

Therefore, Lin Xinyi decided to give Yuan Jiadao a little something to show that his investment was worthwhile. After clinking glasses with him, he casually said, "Since we're all on the same side, I'll also say a few words on a different topic."

With the eyes and ears of his two uncles, they must have known that although Japan had won face in this war, it had also lost its foundation. If the bureaucrats of the military and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had seriously studied Russian history, they would have known that Nicholas II would never have recognized any treaty that ceded territory or imposed reparations, not even if Moscow had been occupied. The death of Paul I is the best proof of this.

Therefore, Japan could not possibly obtain any reparations from Russia; at most, the Russians would only pay a small amount for the food of prisoners. As for seeking compensation from China, this was equally unacceptable to a continental nation that had begun to awaken its national consciousness. Forcing China would only have spurred a more thorough revolution, similar to the farcical situation of the European coalition trying to save Louis XVI but instead creating the French Republic.

Hara Yoshimichi nodded slightly. The information and judgment he had received were basically the same. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the first ministry to complete the professionalization of elites. After the Meiji Restoration, diplomacy was even slightly more important to Japan than the military. After all, before this war, the Japanese people's fear of white powers was heartfelt. Therefore, even the powerful Yamagata did not dare to do anything underhanded in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This department was almost entirely controlled by Ito-affiliated bureaucrats and Tokyo University elites. For Tokyo University elites like Hara Yoshimichi and Ogawa Heikichi, they could still find a few alumni in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to understand the situation.

As elites from the University of Tokyo, they naturally possessed sound judgment. When presented with sufficient and accurate information, they naturally reached a similar conclusion to Hayashi Shin-yi, which was the root of their judgment that the Ito Cabinet was nearing its end.

At that time, the position of Prime Minister had no fixed term. As long as the Emperor didn't intervene, the Prime Minister could continue in office unless they resigned voluntarily. Those who resigned voluntarily usually had reasons for being unable to continue, not because they wanted to quit. Although Prime Minister Ito won the war, he couldn't reclaim the fruits of victory that the people expected. Bearing so much foreign debt just to receive a surrender from the Russians was unacceptable to the people. Therefore, Prime Minister Ito had no choice but to step down.

However, what Lin Xinyi said next still surprised Hara Yoshimichi: "If the Russians do not pay reparations and the Chinese are unwilling to compensate Japan for its wartime expenditures, then Japan will only have two paths left."

One option is to continue expanding the Japanese military and force China to cede its interests in Manchuria and Mongolia, thus leading to a full-scale confrontation between Japan and China. However, I believe this is a dead end. Even if Japan doubles its existing army and navy, its navy will still be powerless against the intervention of the great powers' navies, and its army will not be able to outperform the Russians, thus forcing the Chinese to cede Manchuria and Mongolia.

In fact, after Russia's defeat, Japan's military power has risen to become the strongest in East Asia. This power has broken the balance of power in East Asia. For the British Empire, which advocates the balance of power in Asia, Japan is now the destabilizing factor that undermines regional stability, while a continental China without a navy is more likely to gain Britain's trust.

Faced with this situation of being more defensive than offensive, Japan's best option is not to further expand its military power to provoke the Western powers, but to proactively limit my country's military buildup, thereby restoring the balance of power in East Asia. Therefore, this second path is to reduce military spending, devote more resources to domestic development, and repair relations with neighboring countries, thereby establishing Japan's image as a protector of Asian nations.

If the second path is taken, then the oppressive rule of the regional warlords will decline. To alleviate discontent among various social strata regarding this system, the government would need to listen more to the opinions of all sectors of society, thus allowing party politics to truly flourish. The navy advocates for greater freedom of speech and political freedom to avoid marginalization when party politics emerges.

This was something Yuan Jiadao hadn't anticipated. It wasn't that he couldn't think of it, but rather that he dared not. The Satsuma and Choshu clans had been locked in a power struggle for so long, and who would have thought that one side would voluntarily relinquish power? Aren't all tyrannical military men just stubborn and determined to go down a dead end?

However, after Lin Xinyi pointed out this, Yuan Jiadao felt it was a very natural choice. If the trend is unstoppable, then one should go with the flow; that's what the Japanese are all about. Suddenly, a small fire ignited in his heart. He hadn't yet figured out how to use this information, but it was undoubtedly quite astonishing. Someone in the Seiyukai would surely offer a huge reward for it.

Hara Yoshimichi quickly suppressed his inner thoughts and said to Hayashi Shin'ichi, "So, does Your Excellency want to make contact with the Seiyukai through us? Since Ito-kun withdrew from the Seiyukai, although Saionji Kinmochi is the nominal leader of the Seiyukai, the one who actually dominates the party is the General Affairs Secretary Hara Takashi. Although Hara Takashi advocates civil rights, he does not resist cooperating with the clan cliques."

Hara Yoshimichi's ability to grasp this point so quickly and express it so frankly clearly shows that he truly considers himself a member of Ito's inner circle. While Lin Xinyi thought this to himself, he shook his head and said, "The Seiyukai is too complicated internally. Although it relies on Ito's reputation to unite the various liberal factions, the different factions within it can't find a common interest at all; they're just banding together for mutual support."