Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 187

The peace demanded by the British was not merely internal peace within China, but also peace between China and its neighboring countries. The British did not want China to become an ally of Germany in the Far East, nor did they want the use of force in Wuhan to achieve national unification. That would be a catastrophe for the British order in East Asia.

Japanese diplomats understood the British policy toward China. Their report to Saionji was: "The British are currently focusing their diplomacy on Europe and the Atlantic. Therefore, the British do not want to see a war that disrupts the international order break out in other parts of the world, especially with vigilance towards our country."

After all, no matter how much the Chinese struggle, they couldn't conjure up a large fleet in just a few years. Therefore, as long as the British resolved their problems in Europe, they could still use their warships and cannons to force the Chinese to restore British interests in China. However, if Japan established a sphere of influence on the mainland, the British would have to consider how many warships they would need to force my country to make concessions.

Although Japanese diplomats had seen through the British policy towards China, some still advised Prime Minister Saionji to back down. After all, "No matter how much our country boasts about defeating the Russian fleet, the Russian fleet is no different from a three-year-old child in front of the British Royal Fleet. This fleet made a ridiculous mistake of mistaking fishing boats for British warships and opening fire before even leaving Europe, which shows the Russians' fear of the British fleet. On the other hand, the Russians are full of resentment towards our fleet, believing that this defeat was due to the incompetence of the commander, not that the fleet was inferior to ours."

The Russians' performance clearly demonstrates the vast disparity between our fleet and the British fleet, because our enemy would never exaggerate the Royal Navy's capabilities on this issue to humiliate us. Therefore, even if we could take advantage of Britain's predicament in Europe to cause trouble on the continent, we would still be forced to cede territory upon their return. So why invite further humiliation?

Although these diplomats' remarks were criticized by hardliners led by Komura Jutaro, Saionji Kinmochi still chose the advice of the weak pro-British diplomats to follow the British in their China strategy rather than to establish his own independent position.

Of course, Saionji Kinmochi did this also considering the financial pressure and his desire to restrain the military. As the political successor chosen by Itō Hirobumi, Saionji Kinmochi hoped to suppress the military's independent consciousness so that the national politics could function stably, just like the British, who, even if there were differences between the military and the government, always kept the struggle within a certain scope.

Just when Saionji Kinmochi thought that Japanese politics was finally returning to normal, Terauchi Masatake dealt him a heavy blow. The army, citing national defense and security, rejected the government's order requiring the military to reduce its own troop numbers. This sudden blow left Saionji completely at a loss. He could only call over Matsuda Masahisa and Hara Takashi, two key members of the Seiyukai, to seek their advice.

Matsuda Masahisa, who was still in the cabinet, believed that the navy should be contacted to negotiate with the army. After all, the military was an independent system, and it was difficult for anyone other than the navy to criticize the army's actions. The army could also use the constitution to resist external interference, since the constitution stipulated that the army was under the independent command of the emperor, and the organization of the army was also decided by the emperor. The government could only ask the military to submit its own plan for troop reduction, rather than ordering the military to comply.

Terauchi Masatake essentially broke the tacit understanding between the military and the government, politicizing their conflict. As a result, the government's constraints on the military—the budget proposal—became irrelevant to the military. The military negotiated directly with the government through the Emperor, eliminating the need to discuss troop reduction at all. Troop reduction became an internal matter for the military.

Yuan Jingze, who had already resigned from public office, had a different view: "It's not a good idea to ask the Navy to negotiate with the Army at this time. On the one hand, the Army may not listen to the Navy's advice; on the other hand, it's tantamount to admitting that the government can't do anything about the military's unreasonable behavior. If the Army and Navy were to align their positions in the future, wouldn't the government be led by the nose by the military? I believe that we should decisively submit a memorial to His Majesty now, requesting that His Majesty issue an edict to reprimand the chaotic behavior within the temple, thereby establishing discipline for the military. That is the right way..."

Chapter 628

Hara Kei's argument is the most feasible. Terauchi Masatake used the Emperor to pressure the government, but if he could not get the Emperor's support, he would inevitably have to step down. Having learned such a lesson, the army naturally dared not continue to confront the government head-on.

However, after much deliberation, Saionji Kinmochi rejected Hara Takashi's suggestion. He explained to Hara Takashi, "The core of the Imperial Constitution is that the Emperor reigns but does not rule. Asking the Emperor to issue an edict to reprimand the temple is essentially putting His Majesty in a choice between the military and the government. Such a precedent must not be set. If it causes dissatisfaction among the army towards His Majesty, or if the government frequently requests His Majesty to issue edicts in the future, then the Emperor's authority will be shaken. The Emperor's authority is the foundation of the Constitution's existence, which means that the Constitution will also lose its authority, and the country will inevitably fall into the chaotic situation before the Constitution was enacted. I cannot adopt such an opinion."

Faced with Saionji Kinmochi's answer, Hara Takayuki had nothing to say. He had mentioned acting expediently, while Saionji did not want to disrupt the system—a seemingly plausible reason. However, as Prime Minister, Saionji inherently possessed the power to act expediently, because the constitution could not be all-encompassing and would always have omissions. The Meiji Constitution itself was enacted hastily, as the Liberal Democratic Party demanded a constitution with popular sovereignty. To avoid such a constitution, Ito decisively produced a constitution bestowed by the Emperor, establishing the constitutional expression of Emperor sovereignty.

From the perspective of the constitutional principle that sovereignty resides in the Emperor, requesting the Emperor to issue an edict reprimanding the Minister of the Army is, strictly speaking, upholding the Emperor's authority and preventing the military from using the pretext of independent command to oppose the government. This is because the government is also responsible to the Emperor, not to the Prime Minister or the people. Upholding the government's authority is also upholding the Emperor's authority.

As Prime Minister, Saionji Kinmochi, faced with pressure from the military, actually abandoned upholding the authority of the government led by the Emperor. This was not upholding the Emperor's rule, but rather a sign of weakness in his character. Hara Takashi could only lament in his heart that these court nobles were indeed unreliable, only choosing to back down in the face of military threats. Iwakura was indeed an anomaly among the court nobles; only he could withstand Saigo's coercion without yielding.

However, Hara Takashi did not have much desire to maintain the Emperor's rule. He used to be a member of the Freedom and People's Rights faction. After the constitution was established, the Freedom and People's Rights faction was severely suppressed by the Choshu-Satsuma clan. He realized that the supporters of the Freedom and People's Rights faction were powerless to fight against the united clan politics, so he turned to party politics and tried to dismantle the clan politics within the framework of the constitution.

If Saionji adopts his suggestion, it will undoubtedly be a major blow to the Choshu clan, powerfully propelling party politics to further seize national power. If Saionji doesn't adopt his suggestion, this incident will also expose the clan's arrogance, allowing the Seiyukai to incite public discontent with clan politics. Regardless of Saionji Kinmochi's choice, he can exploit it; he just needs to ascertain Kinmochi's true intentions first.

Matsuda Masahisa accepted Tadanji Kinmochi's request to meet with Navy veteran Ito Sukeyuki to ensure that the Navy and the government were on the same side. If the Navy also supported the Army, then Saionji could now prepare for the cabinet's resignation.

As Matsuda Masahisa and Hara Takashi were preparing to take their leave, Saionji, without a second thought, said to Matsuda, "Elder Ito is probably attending a wedding today..."

Matsuda Masahisa and Hara Takashi said goodbye to each other after leaving the Prime Minister's official residence. When they parted, Hara Takashi said to him, "I think even if the Navy is willing to support the government, without the Emperor's clear stance, the Army will not change its position. The issue of military downsizing is the Army's Achilles' heel. As long as there is a sliver of possibility, they will not give up. I think this cabinet is about to come to an end."

Matsuda Masahisa's view was not much different from Hara Kei's. He could only sigh and say, "We can only do our best. As for whether the army is willing to turn back, that is beyond our control."

Hara Keishun remarked, "Actually, in my opinion, the biggest problem this time is that we jointly formed a government with the Choshu clique. Although we obtained the power to form a cabinet, the government has two heads. The Choshu clique's bureaucrats have always been reluctant to implement the policies we promote, but they are openly protecting the interests of the clique under the guise of a party cabinet. The people cannot distinguish who advocates these policies and will only direct their resentment at the Seiyukai. This is something we did not expect."

Matsuda Masahisa seemed to understand Hara Kei's meaning. After a moment's thought, he nodded in response, "You're right. If this problem can't be resolved properly, then I think we shouldn't cooperate with the Choshu clique again next time we have the opportunity to form a cabinet. Their actions are too domineering..."

Through a brief conversation, Hara Takashi and Matsuda Masahisa corrected the future direction of the Seiyukai. As the leaders of the two major factions within the Seiyukai, their agreement meant that the Seiyukai had a new direction.

After Matsuda Masahisa boarded the carriage, he headed towards Yoyogi Imperial Garden. Ito Sukeyuki served as the chief officiant at the wedding, witnessing the establishment of the marriage as an elder, to show that the marriage between the two families was officially recognized, rather than an unacknowledged elopement.

To outsiders, it must have been out of respect for the bride that Ito Sukeyuki was chosen as the chief officiant at the wedding. After all, the groom was just a country boy from Nagano Prefecture, while the bride was from the Ichiki family, relatives of the Saigo family. Given Ito's status as an elder, he would not have agreed to such a thing without respect for the Saigo family.

However, in Kawahara's eyes, Ito Sukeyuki had stolen his position. In reality, he was the rightful chief priest, after all, he was Hayashi Shin'ichi's superior. As for the Ichiki family, to be honest, even the Saigo family's influence in the Navy was declining, let alone the Ichiki family, which had no talent left.

The establishment of the Naval Academy and the Naval War College was originally intended to break the control of the military by the clans. In particular, after Yamamoto Gonnohyōe invented the examination and promotion system, such as the hammock system, although regional factions such as the Satsuma clan were still preserved within the navy, the resentment of the lower-ranking officers towards the Satsuma clan was not as severe as the resentment towards the Choshu clan in the army. After all, the examination system still reflected a certain degree of fairness from a certain perspective.

Therefore, after Saigo Tsugumichi's death, the narrow Satsuma clique, represented by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, became the mainstream in the Navy. This narrowness refers to the Satsuma clique cutting off contact with the Navy from outside the Navy, making the Navy more closed off.

Although Ito Sukeyuki's faction opposed Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, they were not proactive in restoring the Saigō family's influence in the navy, as the Saigō family lacked talent at that time. Saigō Tsugumichi's descendants produced few outstanding figures; Mrs. Ichiki's son died in the Satsuma Rebellion. Saigō Takamori did have several promising descendants, but because the navy sided with the government during the Satsuma Rebellion, his descendants were unwilling to even apply to the Naval Academy.

Strictly speaking, while Ito Sukeyuki respected the Saigo family, he, like Yamamoto Gonbei, did not want the Saigo family to interfere in the Navy's affairs. The Saigo era was a thing of the past for the Navy, so it was impossible for Ito Sukeyuki to be the chief priest for an adopted daughter of the Ichiki family. He was clearly lowering himself to win over Hayashi Nobuyoshi.

Kawahara was naturally dissatisfied with Ito's actions. After all, Ito had already reached the pinnacle of his career and couldn't rise any higher, while his political career was just beginning. Naturally, he needed younger people like Hayashi Nobuyoshi to be close to him. Ito's actions were tantamount to telling some people in the navy, "I don't want to retire yet, and I'm still closely following naval affairs."

By this time, Lin Xinyi had already established his own faction among the young officers of the navy, with no rivals among his peers and seniors. Winning over Lin Xinyi was tantamount to controlling the young officers of the navy, which was the key reason why Ito wanted to officiate Lin Xinyi's wedding. Kawahara understood this, which is why he felt that Ito's competition with him for the position of chief officiant at the wedding was essentially a struggle for leadership of the navy.

However, the people who felt most disappointed at the wedding were actually the others. Standing next to Matsumoto, Takashi Takashi looked at Shin-Yi Lin leading the bride down the aisle and said bitterly, "Even a grouse can become a phoenix when it flies up a big tree."

Matsumoto understood Zaibatsu's resentment. Having achieved early success, Zaibatsu married Yamamoto Kaisei's daughter and rose rapidly through the ranks of the navy, earning him the nickname "Prince Zaibatsu" because his rapid promotions fueled resentment among many. In reality, Zaibatsu's promotion wasn't exceptional in terms of ability; it was simply that he hadn't encountered any obstacles along the way.

However, compared to Lin Xinyi, Cai Bubiao's promotion speed was nothing. There was little mockery of Lin Xinyi within the military, as lower-ranking officers were unaware of his relationship with the Saigo family, while higher-ranking officers were more aware of his activities abroad. Furthermore, the naval seminar established by Lin Xinyi had become a stronghold for reformists within the navy. Any criticisms of Lin Xinyi didn't require his personal rebuttal; these naval reformists would readily refute them.

The biggest difference between Prince Tsaibe and Prince Hayashi Nobuyoshi lies in the fact that Prince Tsaibe represented the face of Navy Minister Yamamoto, while Prince Hayashi Nobuyoshi had become the spiritual leader of the naval reform faction. When Navy Minister Yamamoto lost his authority, Prince Tsaibe naturally lost his aura of power. At this time, the naval reform faction was gradually becoming the dominant force in the navy, so naturally no one dared to slander Prince Hayashi Nobuyoshi.

Of course, Cai Bu's resentment towards Lin Xinyi didn't stop there. Lin Xinyi's first act upon entering the Naval General Staff had ignited Cai Bu's anger, which was probably the source of Cai Bu's greatest dissatisfaction with Lin Xinyi. Matsumoto glanced at the naval dignitaries attending the ceremony. Apart from Minister of the Navy Yamamoto and Vice Minister Saito, almost all the high-ranking naval officers in Tokyo were present. He sighed inwardly and ultimately didn't dare to respond to Cai Bu. Although he was also very dissatisfied with Lin Xinyi, he felt he might not be able to afford to offend this young junior.

Standing among the guests, Shinpei Goto looked at the large crowd at the wedding and couldn't help but say to his friend Santaro Okamatsu, "This doesn't look like a wedding; it looks more like a big gathering of the Satsuma clan."

Although Dr. Santaro Okamatsu had a good relationship with Kodama, he did not align himself too closely with the army. Unlike Goto, his purpose in going to Taiwan was to test how civil law should function in a colony, not to manage Taiwan from the army's perspective. Okamatsu disagreed with the army's attempts to control overseas colonies. He believed that while the military played a vital role in overseas colonization, the management of overseas colonies should be led by the state.

However, with Kodama's death, the newly appointed Governor-General of Taiwan, General Sakuma Samata, reversed the policies established by Kodama and Goto, and restarted the means of military conquest. Okamatsu Santaro's plan for a rule-of-law society in Taiwan essentially failed, and he left Taiwan with Goto. Still harboring resentment towards the army, he remarked after hearing Goto's words, "Both Choshu and Satsuma are uncontrollable monsters for the Empire. They only care about their own interests, disregarding the interests of the Empire and its people."

Hearing Okayama's complaints, Goto could understand them to some extent. Okayama was trying to combine the customary law of Taiwan's indigenous peoples with imperial law to exclude Chinese cultural influence in Taiwan and completely transform the Taiwanese into part of the empire. This work had been quite effective, as evidenced by the fact that the leaders of the Taiwanese resistance organizations were willing to accept the Taiwan Governor-General's offer of amnesty. However, General Sakuma Samata believed that these Taiwanese who had resisted the empire could not be transformed into imperial citizens. Therefore, they should be physically eliminated, and then replaced with immigrants from the mainland to truly turn Taiwan into imperial territory.

General Sakuma's thinking was essentially the same as that of the British and Americans in dealing with the indigenous people of the colonies. They had no intention of ruling these uncivilized indigenous peoples at all, but rather to replace them with civilized white people and expand the nation-state into the colonies, rather than bringing the colonies into their own country.

Goto did not believe that this policy of military conquest was wrong. He simply believed that this method of military conquest was ineffective against the Taiwanese people, because the Taiwanese people were part of the Chinese people. As long as the Chinese people were not exterminated, or as long as the motherland China still existed, Japan's rule over Taiwan could not be recognized by the Chinese people, unless the Taiwanese people themselves opposed China.

However, unlike Okayama, he did not believe that the government could restrain the military's actions in overseas colonies, and that even domestically, the military was a powerful force capable of influencing government policy. In order to realize his political ideals, he had to reach an agreement with the military. This agreement could not be the military submitting to them, but rather they should proactively adjust to align themselves with the military and then try to correct the military's mistakes.

Kodama's shift from military rule to civilian governance was Goto's crowning achievement. However, it seems that Kodama was the only one in the army who was reasonable, or rather, who put the interests of the nation above those of the clans. Everyone else prioritized the interests of their own factions, and they would not consider the national interest until their personal interests were satisfied.

After Kodama's death, Goto, though he promptly joined Terauchi's school, was no longer in a good position. He could freely express his views to Kodama, who almost always accepted them, but Terauchi and Yamagata only wanted advice that benefited themselves and were averse to any proposals aimed at curbing the army's power.

If the army is like this, how much better can the navy be? Just look at the Satsuma people who appeared at this wedding, and you can see that the Satsuma clique, which has been fragmented since the Satsuma War, is trying to mend the rifts between its various factions. And these Satsuma people want to unite, certainly not for the sake of the empire, but to fight for power with the Choshu faction and the People's Party. After all, if it's for the benefit of the empire, the unity of the Satsuma clique is not needed; what the empire needs is the unity of its people.

While secretly complaining to himself, Goto was also readjusting his stance between the Army and the Navy. In the past, he had always sided with the Army because he had little interaction with the Navy, and the Army also had more say in politics. Before Ito Sukeyuki formed a cabinet, no one really thought the Navy had any chance of forming a cabinet.

Saigo Tsugumichi, who was qualified to form a cabinet in the Navy, had a brother who had always been politically cautious. Apart from recommending a successor to the Navy Elders before his death, Saigo rarely expressed his opinions on political affairs outside the Navy. Below Saigo Tsugumichi, whether it was Navy Minister Yamamoto or Chief of Staff Ito, neither of them were qualified enough to take on the responsibility of forming a cabinet.

However, the disagreement between Yamagata and Ito regarding the war against Russia allowed Ito to unexpectedly become prime minister, and Shibusawa Eiichi's sudden support for Ito's cabinet formation finally led to its establishment. This broke the Choshu clique's monopoly on cabinet formation. The downfall of the Ito cabinet and the collapse of the Katsura Taro cabinet made Goto realize that the navy was gaining increasing influence in imperial politics. At this point, further entanglement with the army would likely jeopardize his political future, as the navy was unlikely to appoint a political figure with strong army leanings to lead the government.

As Goto was pondering, he suddenly saw Matsuda Masahisa appear at the wedding. Just as he was wondering which side of the wedding Matsuda was connected to, he saw Matsuda exchange a few words with Ito's secretary. The secretary then quietly went to the front and whispered something in Ito's ear. Ito, who was sitting in the front row watching the ceremony, looked back and then got up and walked out of the venue.

What happened to the government? Why did they send Home Minister Matsuda to speak with Ito Genro in person? This thought immediately popped into Goto Shinpei's mind.

Chapter 629

When Ito Sukeyuki got up to leave, Lin Xinyi saw it too, but he didn't try to guess what urgent matter had required Ito to leave the venue. Instead, he followed the master of ceremonies' request and completed the wedding ceremony with Mu Zi.

The Shinto wedding style has only been popular for a few years. Although the priests say that this wedding style appeared in the Muromachi period, in reality, before the Crown Prince adopted the Shinto wedding style, no one knew what the Shinto wedding style was. Everyone used the Buddhist wedding style.

The basic procedure of a Buddhist-style wedding is as follows: the bride and groom read their marriage vows before a Buddha statue, announcing to their ancestors that they have pledged their lives to each other. Then, the newlyweds tie thin white paper strips to tree branches to inform their ancestors of the wedding. Most importantly, the elders of both families must be present to witness the bride and groom completing the jade offering ceremony. This wedding procedure clearly indicates that it is a custom of samurai weddings; ordinary people do not require such a grand ceremony.

However, after the Meiji Restoration, the Emperor proclaimed himself the living god and the chief representative of Shintoism, ordering the separation of Shinto and Buddhism, which sparked a nationwide movement to "abolish Buddhism and destroy Buddhism." The living god could no longer use the Buddhist ceremony, so the Imperial Household Agency borrowed from Western wedding styles to create the Shinto ceremony. Because this was a newly created wedding culture, the ceremony was quite simple, focusing mainly on the guests' observation rather than the wedding ceremony itself.

Originally, Lin Xinyi and the Shilai family had agreed to hold the wedding ceremony at the bride's house. However, his wedding was no longer a matter between him and the Shilai family. For those who wanted to use this wedding to reunify the Satsuma clan, the Shilai family's house was obviously not a suitable place. This was not only because the Shilai family's house was somewhat small, but also because others did not want the reunified Satsuma clan to bear too much of the Saigo family's mark.

In principle, Matsukata Masayoshi is the current representative of the Satsuma clique. However, Matsukata can only control the Okubo faction. The military forces represented by the Saigo family, the Osaka Chamber of Commerce, and the Shimazu family are not factions within the clique that Matsukata can influence. As for the Satsuma faction in the army, it has been separated by the Satsuma clique and has become an independent system.

Many, including Matsukata Masayoshi, hoped to reintegrate the Satsuma clique, which was now fragmented and had virtually no significant political voice. Back when Saigo Tsugumichi was in power, he could cooperate with Matsukata Masayoshi and, through an alliance with Ito Hirobumi, somewhat preserve the interests of the Satsuma clique.

However, after Saigo's death, the Ito-Kawahara faction rose to prominence within the Navy. Although this faction also belonged to the Satsuma clique, it had not been the mainstream within the Navy before. Yet, after Saigo's death, it successfully formed a cabinet and became another major force independent of the Satsuma clique. The Ito-Kawahara faction's successful cabinet formation relied on the support of Tokyo's political and business circles, represented by Shibusawa, and lawyers like Ogawa Heikichi and Hara Yoshimichi, who were alumni of Tokyo Imperial University.

Simply put, the Matsukata faction and the Yamamoto Kaisō faction, who are said to be the successors of Saigo and represent the face of Satsuma, did not actually contribute much to Ito Sukeyuki's cabinet formation. On the contrary, they took advantage of Ito Sukeyuki's rising momentum to reap considerable benefits for themselves.

While the feudal clan system may appear to be very unifying, in reality, these groups, which are divided by region, are rife with internal factional struggles. For example, Satsuma members such as Oyama Iwao and Kawakami Soroku in the army ruthlessly suppressed the samurai rebellion led by Saigo during the Satsuma Rebellion, without any regard for the unity within the feudal clan.

Similarly, after Saigo Takamori's defeat and suicide, Saigo's followers launched a retaliatory assassination attempt against Okubo. These assassins did not consider what would happen to the Satsuma clique after Saigo and Okubo's deaths.

Before Ito formed his cabinet, the calls for reunification within the Satsuma clique were merely wishful thinking on the part of the younger generation. While the Satsuma clique's power was significantly diminished after the split, the leaders of each faction were clearly much more comfortable than before. They could now exploit the Satsuma clique's name to extract benefits from the Choshu clique without having to obey the orders of the Satsuma leader. Although Matsukata Masayoshi was a veteran, he lacked the prestige of Okubo and the Saigo brothers to command the unquestioning obedience of the various factions within the clique.

However, after Ito Sukeyuki successfully formed a cabinet, the atmosphere within the Satsuma clique changed. Although Ito was from Satsuma, he trusted the Kanto forces more. If this situation continued, the navy might combine with the Kanto forces to form a new military and political power. After the Satsuma people in the army distanced themselves from the Satsuma clique, the navy also broke away from the control of the Satsuma clique. Then the so-called Satsuma clique would disappear like the Saga and Tosa cliques.

To avoid this unfavorable situation, as everyone knows, once the Satsuma clique loses its protection, many people will be unable to retain their current power. Therefore, voices supporting the reunification of the Satsuma clique have grown louder. Of course, this time the unification of the Satsuma clique is no longer a matter between Matsukata and Yamamoto, but a power struggle between Matsukata, Yamamoto, and Ito. Ito Sukeyuki has surpassed the former two to become the most popular candidate for the new leader of the unified Satsuma clique.

This situation arose for several reasons. Firstly, Matsukata Masayoshi had previously been clueless in integrating the Satsuma clique. Secondly, despite inheriting the civilian influence left by Okubo, this financial expert lacked prestige within the military and enjoyed a poor reputation among the public. His handling of government finances, including the sale of government assets and deflationary measures, nearly bankrupted the nation, leaving him with a negative image in the eyes of both the military and the people.

Although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's reputation among the people greatly improved thanks to his achievements in the naval battle against Russia, the public had not forgotten the fact that the Second Fleet had failed to defend against the Russian Vladivostok Fleet, allowing the Russians to attack the Japanese coast. Yamamoto also had a major flaw: he had few supporters in economic and political circles. His becoming the new leader of the unified Satsuma clique did not actually bring much benefit to his people.

However, Ito Sukeyuki was different. Although Ito was just a famous admiral in the navy in the past, and people knew him only for his achievement of defeating the Beiyang Fleet in the Battle of the Yellow Sea, after he successfully formed a cabinet, the business community and the public basically recognized Ito's ability as a politician. In particular, the series of laws issued by the Ito cabinet to protect the interests of workers and farmers, although they could not solve the social contradictions in Japan, made Ito the first prime minister since the establishment of the Meiji Restoration government to make improving the living standards of the people a national policy.

Therefore, even when Itō proposed a peaceful resolution to the East Asian wars, many progressive intellectuals still stood by him and defended his peace plan. However, when Katsura Taro stepped down, the entire Japanese public opinion was critical of him; only a few newspapers close to the army offered a few lukewarm defenses.

The collapse of the Katsura Taro cabinet and the rise of Saionji Kinmochi to power ultimately led to the selection of an East Asian peace plan. However, this forced choice of peace severely damaged Japan's image in the international community. Some political commentators, after reflection, pointed out, "If Japan had chosen to let Prime Minister Ito lead the East Asian peace plan, at least Japan's international image wouldn't have become so greedy and domineering. Now, Japan not only failed to obtain the huge reparations it desired from China and Russia, but also lost its reputation as a peacemaker internationally, and further fueled Chinese suspicion towards Japan—a truly disastrous outcome."

However, these rational voices received little attention. Japan's intellectual elites generally chose to remain silent on this issue, unwilling to admit that their previous opposition to peace was wrong, nor willing to risk angering the public by continuing to advocate for war. Just six months ago, the Japanese were still basking in Japan's glorious battlefield achievements; now, faced with the enormous bills Japan would have to pay after the war, few were willing to discuss going to war with China and Russia.

Given this domestic and international situation, Ito Sukeyuki has become a politician who can rival Ito Hirobumi and Yamagata Aritomo. Many people believe that Ito's political ability is similar to Ito's, and slightly better than Yamagata's. After all, Yamagata has always put the military before the people, and for Japan today, Ito is naturally more popular.

Ito's cultivated image as a statesman in the public eye won him favor among the younger generation of the Satsuma clan, who were dismissive of the old guard. These individuals desired to unify the power of the Satsuma clan without establishing a traditional, outdated system. Many of these younger members had studied abroad and preferred Western-style parliamentary politics to the bureaucratic politics of the clan's traditions. In short, they wanted to establish an elite system within the clan based on merit, rather than a system of seniority-based hierarchy.

Driven by these internal calls, the reintegration of the Satsuma clique finally moved beyond mere slogans and became a concrete action, establishing Ito Genro as the leader of the Satsuma clique. Hayashi Shin'ichi's wedding thus became a ceremony where all parties within the Satsuma clique reached a consensus, and naturally, it couldn't be too influenced by any particular faction. After all, this was the reunification of the Satsuma clique, not the unification by the Saigo family.

Because of this implication, Lin Xinyi had no choice but to decline Shibusawa Eiichi's offer to hold the wedding at his villa. In the end, Makino Nobuaki borrowed the Mishima family's villa as the venue for the wedding. The Mishima family refers to the Mishima family, including Mishima Mitsuyoshi, a disciple of Okubo and the first Superintendent General of Police. Although Mishima Mitsuyoshi had passed away, his eldest son, Mishima Yataro, still maintained a close relationship with Makino Nobuaki and considered himself a key figure in the Satsuma clique.

Mishima Yataro was originally to marry the daughter of Oyama Iwao, but due to the Okubo faction's wariness of the Choshu faction, Mishima ultimately called off the marriage, citing Oyama Nobuko's tuberculosis. This incident also demonstrated that the Satsuma clique of the army was expelled by the Satsuma clique, preventing army generals led by Oyama Iwao from becoming spokespeople for the Satsuma clique.

Under the circumstances at the time, Matsukata Masayoshi, representing the Okubo faction, had to choose between Saigo Tsugumichi and Oyama Iwao. Oyama Iwao's stance was too close to Yamagata Aritomo's, which made Matsukata Masayoshi worry that the Satsuma clique would be completely swallowed up by the Choshu faction, so he chose Saigo Tsugumichi. As Okubo's disciple, Mishima Michiyo had no choice but to obey the faction's decision and sever ties with the Oyama family.

Mishima Yataro did not follow the path paved by his father to enter the central government ministries, but instead joined the Bank of Japan, becoming Matsukata Masayoshi's representative there. Makino Nobuaki, the biological son of Okubo, is quite capable among the younger generation of the Satsuma clique, and is thus quietly becoming the leader of the younger generation within Okubo's faction.

Makino arranged for Hayashi Nobuyoshi to have his wedding held at the Mishima family's house. Besides currying favor with this young naval commander, Makino also wanted to establish a personal connection with Hayashi. The core of clan politics lies in the merging of military and political power; clan politics without military support is nonexistent. Makino couldn't rely on the support of naval commanders like Kawahara, Saito, and Togo; these men had already achieved great success and generally wouldn't risk supporting a young man like him.

Thus, the wedding took on two layers of meaning. The first layer was the support that various factions of the Satsuma clique had for Ito Sukeyuki, which was why Yamamoto Gonbei and Saito Minoru did not attend, even though they had both sent gifts. The second layer was the cooperation between the naval forces represented by Hayashi Nobuyoshi and the young civilian officials of Satsuma represented by Makino Nobuaki.

The fact that Ito Sukeyuki appeared at the wedding already signified that the unification of the various factions of the Satsuma clique was formally completed. Therefore, Lin Xinyi was not worried about any unexpected situations. After the unification, there were almost no problems that could stump this huge military and political group. The Choshu clique, which had been repeatedly attacked by public opinion, was still leading the direction of the empire.

Lin Xinyi's idea was correct. After the wedding ceremony was completed and everyone sat down to drink and celebrate, Ito called him to his room.

The Mishima family's villa was very large, so the guests who came to attend the ceremony were accommodated in different rooms. Matsuda Masahisa was arranged in another room, and only Ito, Kawahara, and Togo were there.

Lin Xinyi entered the room and glanced at the three people present. He couldn't help but think: Although Ito has become the representative of the unified Satsuma Clique, he obviously can't trust those Satsuma Clique members. Therefore, when he encounters trouble, he still comes to his own people first. However, his circle of people is too small.

Although that was what he was thinking, Lin Xinyi did not show it. He sat down in the seat opposite Ito, toasted each of the three of them, and then listened to Matsuda's purpose.

After finishing his story, Togo Masamichi said somewhat excitedly, "It seems that Prime Minister Saionji's time to step down is running out. Shouldn't we start thinking about forming a cabinet within the Navy?"

Togo Masamichi's excitement is understandable. Although he is not the next prime minister, the navy's cabinet formation this time will have a profound impact.

Firstly, the Navy Minister Yamamoto, who had held power in the navy for twenty years, was finally going to be sent out of the navy, which meant that the naval reform led by the Naval General Staff would encounter even fewer obstacles.

Secondly, the formation of a new cabinet within the navy will establish a habit of the navy leading national policy. If this cabinet formation is successful, the navy's political influence will be greatly enhanced, which is indeed of great significance to the navy.

Although Kawahara was pleased, he still showed a hint of unease as he said, "Now that the Saionji Cabinet has collapsed, will it affect the establishment of the power grid company and the construction plan for the heavy industry base in Chiba Prefecture? If both of these plans run into problems, it doesn't seem like a good thing for us."

Kawahara's considerations were approved by Ito. For both of them, the transfer of power within the navy did not need to be so hasty, because Minister of the Navy Yamamoto was no longer able to stop the naval reform movement within the navy. However, with Minister of the Navy Yamamoto becoming prime minister, the naval reform movement would be affected instead.

Lin Xinyi was not in a hurry to express his opinion, but instead asked Ito Genro, "What is your opinion on the proposal submitted by the Minister of the Army?"

After a few seconds of silence, Ito said, "The Army has violated the agreement with the Navy to discuss defense policy. They are forcing the Navy to agree with the Army's proposed continental policy, which is indeed despicable. However, we also seem to need to consider the relationship between the military and the government. We can't just express our support for the government unconditionally, otherwise the military will become an empty shell in the future."

Lin Xinyi pondered for a moment before replying, "Your Excellency is right. I think that Minister Terauchi took this into consideration, which is why he resolutely submitted this proposal to the Cabinet. He is betting that the Navy will have no choice but to support the Army in order to protect the military."

The problem now is that after Prime Minister Saionji stepped down, apart from the Navy, no one else seems suitable to form a cabinet. So, once the Navy forms a cabinet, this problem becomes our problem. We need to consider how the Navy-formed cabinet will handle the Army's proposal to retain divisions. Inconsistent statements will severely damage the Navy's reputation…”

Chapter 630

Although Lin Xinyi's question was very practical, Ito, Kawahara, and Togo had all overlooked it before, because they felt that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe would form the cabinet in the next term anyway, and what Yamamoto Gonnohyōe would do was none of their business, since they weren't on the same ship.

But now that Lin Xinyi has brought it up so seriously, the three of them suddenly felt a little awkward. They were unwilling to show that they had a neutral attitude towards Yamamoto Gonbei. At this crucial moment when the Satsuma clan was being reunited, if such words were to get out, people's hearts would probably immediately fall apart.

Togo, being the lowest-ranking of the three, had to explain the issue under the watchful eyes of Ito and Kawahara: "There's a good chance that Yamamoto Kaisei will form a cabinet, but he can't represent the Navy's position. It's not that I don't support Yamamoto Kaisei's stance on this matter, but the Navy is caught in a dilemma. Supporting the Army would offend the Democratic Party and the Imperial Household Agency, while supporting the government would make the Army hostile to the Navy. The Navy really can't compete with the Army when it's going all out."

Although Saionji Kinmochi was appointed president of the Seiyukai by Ito Hirobumi, he was essentially Ito Hirobumi's representative within the court, a key figure in Ito Hirobumi's efforts to control the bureaucracy, the court, and political parties. Compared to the Duke Konoe, who refused to cooperate with the Choshu-Satsuma clan, Saionji Kinmochi was considered a moderate within the court.

This time, Saionji Kinmochi's formation of a cabinet does not signify the arrival of the era of political parties, but rather represents a compromise reached by Itō, the Imperial Household, and the People's Party. This compromise aims to facilitate a peaceful transfer of power, transitioning from clan politics to republican politics, and ultimately creating a new system that includes the clans, the Imperial Household, and the People's Party.

Terauchi Masatake's coup attempt against the Saionji Cabinet was, in effect, an opposition to this new system. This was far more serious than the navy's proposal to reduce military strength, since military reduction only harmed the interests of a portion of the military. However, denying the formation of a new political system could truly lead to civil war. The current Choshu-Satsuma political system was a result of the Satsuma Rebellion, not the political system envisioned by the Meiji Restoration government.

Saionji sent Matsuda over to inquire about the Navy's position, which is why Ito and Kawahara seemed so nervous. They were worried about a second Satsuma Rebellion, which was clearly not what they wanted to see. Winning would mean handing power over to the civilian government, while losing would mean their entire lives had been wasted.

However, Ito and Kawahara currently have good relations with the Imperial Household Agency and the Democratic Party. They do not want to damage the relationship between the two sides by refusing Saionji's request, but they also do not want to confront the Army head-on. That is why they are in a hurry to hold a small meeting to discuss countermeasures. As for what kind of difficulties Yamamoto Gonnohyōe will encounter in forming a cabinet, that is really not within their consideration.

Lin Xinyi glanced at Ito and Kawahara's expressions and found that there was no change in their faces. He then realized that Vice Minister Togo's words reflected the views of the two men.

After a moment of silence, he carefully chose his words and said, "Many of the guests who have come to witness the ceremony today are from Satsuma, and it seems that the Satsuma clan, which appears to be fragmented, is about to be reunited."

I'm just wondering how many of these people genuinely want a united Satsuma clique, and how many are just using the Satsuma clique's name to take advantage of the rising tide of the navy.

We do need a group to protect our interests, but this group should be based on shared interests, not on distinctions of origin.

What are our common interests? First, it is to ensure the Navy's leading role in defense policy, and second, it is to ensure the Navy's voice in politics. As for someone trying to get benefits from us just because they are from Satsuma, that cannot be called the interests of the group; at best, it is just a matter of personal favors.

What I mean by this is that personal feelings should not supersede the interests of the group; this is the key to the group's survival.

Kawahara realized what was happening and asked, "You mean we can't stand by and watch Yamamoto Kaisei make a fool of himself? But Yamamoto might not agree with our advice, right?"

Lin Xinyi looked at Kawahara sincerely and said, "Why should we give advice to Minister Yamamoto? The current issue is which side the Navy should stand on, which is a matter that will offend people. There is no advice that can satisfy both sides. We should support Minister Yamamoto's decision to show the unity within the Navy."