Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 243

Unlike members of parliament who face the issue of term limits, leaders of feudal lords and the military do not need to consider the will of the people; they demand their obedience. If they are allowed to continue expanding their power, the Emperor will become a puppet under such tyranny. The so-called imperial system will cease to exist, leaving only a feudal lord system or a military-dominated system.

Ito Hirobumi was silenced by Hayashi Shin-yoshi's words. He had already felt this when he served as Governor-General of Korea. If the upper echelons of the army in Tokyo had to submit to the authority of the constitution and dare not express their dissatisfaction with him, a veteran, then the right to interpret the constitution had always been his, not anyone else's, right.

So, back in Korea, those army generals dared to discuss with him, the very architect of the constitution, whether the Governor-General of Korea had the authority to directly command the army. These generals dared to do this because they were too far removed from Ito Hirobumi; unlike Yamagata and Oyama, they hadn't fought or worked with him for a long time and therefore didn't have a sense of camaraderie with him. Simply put, the mid-to-high-ranking army generals now considered him an outsider, a fact that became especially evident after Kodama's death.

As a Japanese, Ito Hirobumi was well aware that there was an insurmountable gap between outsiders and insiders in Japan. No matter how high an outsider's position was, they could not influence the decision-making power within the group. In other words, the army had effectively excluded him from the circle of army decision-making, a situation that would not have occurred when Kodama was in power.

Faced with Hayashi Shin-yi's bluntness, Ito Hirobumi had no way to refute him. In the end, he could only ask, "Regarding this meeting with Crown Prince Yoshihito, what do you think the army representative's opinion is of the Crown Prince?"

Hayashi Shin-yi replied without hesitation: "I think the army is disappointed with Crown Prince Yoshihito. What they want is a strong emperor who can support external expansion, just like His Majesty now, rather than a spiritual symbol who cannot exercise the power of the emperor."

Hirobumi Ito also agreed with Nobuyoshi Hayashi's assessment of Emperor Meiji. Although Emperor Meiji did not exercise supreme power, his stance on opening the country and foreign expansion was clear. For example, when Emperor Meiji appeared in public, he almost always wore Western-style formal attire or military uniform, demonstrating his support for opening the country. His efforts to save on palace expenses to support shipbuilding further demonstrated his determination for foreign expansion.

Although Emperor Meiji did not make any public statements, he appropriately expressed his attitude to the people. This informal statement did not violate the principle of ruling without governing, but gave the people a clear message. This is why Emperor Meiji was able to inherit the fruits of victory in two foreign wars and become the spiritual belief of the empire in the hearts of the people.

For the army, this is the kind of emperor they want: one who doesn't interfere with the army's actions but can still inspire public support for the military. Crown Prince Yoshihito is clearly not suited to such a role.

After a moment of silence, Ito asked Hayashi Shinichi, "So, does the Navy's view differ from the Army's?"

Lin Xinyi stated without reservation, "There may be people in the Navy or the Army who share the same ideas, but I am confident that I can suppress them. As long as Crown Prince Yoshihito can accept the suggestion of the cultural studies department and make some adjustments, I believe that Japan does not need a strong emperor now. A weak emperor who can evoke humanistic concern is more conducive to Japan's normalization. Crown Prince Yoshihito, who focuses on family life, should be more likely to gain the recognition of ordinary citizens."

Ito Hirobumi did not continue the discussion with Hayashi Nobuyoshi regarding Crown Prince Yoshihito. However, when Emperor Meiji met with him a few days later and the topic of the game cards Hayashi Nobuyoshi had given to Yoshihito came up, Ito explained in detail Hayashi Nobuyoshi's suggestions on packaging the Crown Prince's image, thus dispelling Meiji's suspicions about the navy.

After a frank discussion with Ito Hirobumi about Crown Prince Yoshihito's situation, Meiji began to lean towards Ito Hirobumi's suggestion to portray Crown Prince Yoshihito as someone who values ​​family life, in order to downplay the prince's other shortcomings.

The two reached a consensus on the issue of Crown Prince Yoshihito, and Ito thus gained the approval of Emperor Meiji, who appointed Ito Hirobumi to arrange the image promotion of Crown Prince Yoshihito and to handle the handover of power. This effectively established Ito Hirobumi's status as a senior regent after Meiji's death.

For Yamagata Aritomo and the army high command, Crown Prince Yoshihito's mental state was clearly unsatisfactory, but what displeased them even more was that the naval representative had managed to gain the Crown Prince's favor. Tanaka Giichi accused the navy of engaging in improper conduct within the imperial family, thereby obtaining information about the Crown Prince's condition in advance.

However, Lieutenant Nagata Tetsuzan didn't see it that way in front of Minister Tamura. He believed that Yamamoto Eisuke's panicked expression was no different from theirs, and that Hayashi Nobuyoshi's composure wasn't due to having already obtained accurate information about the Crown Prince, but rather his lack of respect for the Imperial Family. Lieutenant Nagata's judgment was based on the fact that, "If the Navy had already discovered the Crown Prince's situation, then Hayashi Nobuyoshi would definitely have acted with utmost respect in this situation, instead of being so casual and revealing a flaw to us. I don't think Lieutenant Commander Hayashi is such a superficial person."

Tamura agreed with Lieutenant Nagata's assessment, and therefore opposed questioning whether the Navy had secretly inquired about the Imperial Family's life at a high-level meeting within the Army, arguing that doing so would only further damage the relationship between the Army and the Navy and would not have any positive impact.

Yamagata Aritomo tacitly agreed with Tamura's opinion, because he felt that it was fine to talk about this internally, but if it were brought up in public, it would probably be more than just the Navy that would be investigated, since the Navy was certainly not the only one paying attention to the situation of the Imperial Family.

However, Yamagata Aritomo still summoned Akashi Genjiro to his private residence and asked Akashi to investigate whether the navy had secretly been spying on the imperial family. In addition, he asked Akashi what he had found out about the navy.

Akashi responded, "Corruption in the navy is actually widespread, as I have confirmed with some naval officers. Almost all the warships purchased by the navy from abroad involved kickbacks, which ended up in the pockets of naval officers. However, since the navy's purchases of warships are primarily from British or German companies, obtaining evidence from them will likely be very difficult."

Yamagata Aritomo thought for a moment and instructed Akashi, "Without concrete evidence, we can't cripple the navy. Instead, it will raise public suspicion about the use of military funds for the army and navy. We must obtain solid evidence to focus the public's attention on the navy. You need to find a way to get concrete evidence of bribery from those foreign companies."

Although Akashi Motojiro agreed, he still asked uncertainly, "At most, this evidence can only link Prime Minister Yamamoto and his subordinates. It may not be very effective against the newly emerging Kawahara faction in the Navy. If it is exposed, won't it actually strengthen Minister Kawahara's power?"

Yamagata, however, disregarded this possibility, stating, "What's important now is to damage the navy's reputation; only then can we disrupt the navy's dominance over the government. As for whether Kawahara can control the navy, that's no longer a concern..."

End of this chapter

Chapter 767

After being sidelined by the army for more than a year, Major General Keizo Yamaguchi finally saw a turning point in his career. Army Minister Tamura spoke with him and decided to recommend him for a position on the newly established Military Ethics Committee.

Tamura frankly told Yamaguchi, "Admiral Hasegawa is unwilling to give you an important position. Given his core position in the Choshu faction, you probably won't get a good appointment in the short term. It would be better to take a position at the Military Ethics Committee. Although this organization is newly established, it's not controlled by the Army or Navy and reports directly to the Cabinet and the Emperor. Admiral Hasegawa can't influence this organization..."

Keizo Yamaguchi knew that the Army was sidelining him in the hopes that he would request to retire, but after Hideaki Tojo transferred to the Marine Corps, he was unwilling to retire just like that. Although he once wanted to go to the Navy and work with Tojo, unlike Tojo who was transferred back to active duty after retirement, he had not yet retired, so his personnel were still under the Army's management. Naturally, the Army was unwilling to let him go, and the situation reached a stalemate.

Tamura's suggestion gave Yamaguchi another way out. Unable to make a decision, he went to visit Tojo Hideaki in Narashino, Chiba. Unlike his dejected state after his discharge, Tojo Hideaki had now fully resumed his disciplined military life. He was very pleased with Yamaguchi's visit and, after thinking for a moment, spoke when Yamaguchi asked for his opinion.

"Actually, I will also be taking up a position on the Military Ethics Committee, but that will have to wait until I return from my business trip. You should promise Tamura that the Military Ethics Committee is not a frivolous organization."

Yamaguchi asked with some doubt, "You did quite well in the Marine Corps, so why are you going to the Military Ethics Committee? Is the Navy just abandoning you after using you?"

Tojo shook his head and said, "The Marine Corps is not the Army after all. It's fine for me to settle here temporarily, but if I stay here for a long time, will the Army still consider me one of their own? I'm not willing to stay in the Navy like this."

Yamaguchi fell silent. He understood Tojo's meaning. Although the Marine Corps had given these marginalized army officers a way out, this was ultimately the Navy's territory. No matter how hard they tried, they could not salvage their reputation in the army. Instead, the Choshu faction would use them to label them as traitors to the army.

However, Yamaguchi quickly perked up and asked Tojo, "So what can we do at the Military Ethics Committee?"

Hideaki Tojo said, "Of course, it's to teach the Choshu faction a lesson and break their absolute control over the army. The army is not the private property of the Choshu faction. Yamagata keeps saying that the army is the Emperor's army, but he treats it as the property of the Choshu faction. He retaliates against army officers who uphold public opinion. How can such a person lead the army? The Choshu faction should also withdraw from the army. The Military Ethics Committee will review the moral character of army and navy officers to determine whether their promotion is appropriate. I believe it will be difficult for officers from the Choshu faction to pass this standard."

Yamaguchi nodded, but then shook his head and said, "What you said is very good, but can the cabinet really force the army and navy to accept the cabinet's moral review of army and navy personnel? Will the Emperor and the people really support the cabinet in doing this? The elders may not necessarily break ties with the military."

Hideaki Tojo did not deny his friend's statement, but he still said, "If it were the current Military Ethics Committee, it would naturally be difficult to force the Army and Navy to accept ethical reviews. However, if the Military Ethics Committee could establish prestige internationally, then the Army and Navy would be targeted by public opinion if they wanted to oppose the Military Ethics Committee's ethical reviews."

Upon hearing this, Yamaguchi asked curiously, "How can we make the Military Ethics Committee gain international prestige?"

Tojo stopped talking, then looked at Yamaguchi meaningfully and said, "I'll tell you all about it when I get back from my business trip. And if—I mean, if—something happens to me, please take care of the family for me..."

Keizo Yamaguchi and Hideaki Tojo drank all night, but still couldn't find out where the other was going on his business trip, so they had to return to Tokyo at dawn. Three days after meeting with Yamaguchi, Tojo boarded the protected cruiser Chitose and headed to Qingdao. He was going to serve as the deputy representative of the Japanese Navy to sign an agreement with the Chinese Navy and the Pacific Federation Fleet to form the Asian Joint Fleet.

The chief representative of the Japanese Navy was Admiral Shibayama Yahachi, accompanied by Akiyama Saneyuki and Hayashi Nobuyoshi. The day after the Japanese naval representatives arrived in Qingdao, on August 28, 1910, Acting Governor-General of Jiaozhou and Chief of Staff, Captain Melwaldek, and Vice Admiral Günther von Grossiysk, Commander-in-Chief of the German East Asia Fleet, handed Qingdao over to the Chinese government.

On August 29, the plaque of the former Qingdao Jiaozhou Governor's Residence was removed, and naval representatives from Japan, China, and Germany signed an agreement to establish the Asian Joint Fleet, deciding to set up the headquarters of the Joint Fleet in Qingdao. The headquarters of the Joint Fleet consisted of three parts: the General Logistics Department, the Joint Staff Council, and the Fleet Command.

According to the principles of the formation of the Combined Fleet, the Combined Fleet has no right to wage war and is limited to armed counterattacks in self-defense. The military operations of the Combined Fleet must be unanimously approved by the Allied Assembly or by a resolution authorized by the representatives of the four Security Council members: Japan, China, the Pacific Federation, and the Republic of Chita.

Originally, there were five Security Council members, but Japan refused to allow the Korean Empire to become a Security Council member. Ultimately, Japan, along with Germany, rejected China's proposal. The Republic of Chita joined the alliance as an Asian region and could not enjoy full voting rights. After all, the Republic of Chita was legally still part of the Russian Empire, but Japan, China, and Germany did not want to allow Russia to join the alliance in name only.

At the same time as the Jiaozhou Bay leased territory was returned to China, the German East Asia Fleet was officially incorporated into the Pacific Federation fleet. It possessed five protected cruisers, one unprotected cruiser, and two shallow-draft gunboats, making it stronger than the Chinese Navy. This was because the Chinese Navy only had two protected cruisers and three armored cruisers, and the Yangtze River Fleet could only rely on river fortifications to protect its inland waters.

The Japanese Navy easily gained control of the General Logistics Department, not only because Shibayama Yahachi was a logistics expert, but also because neither China nor the Pacific Federation had the capability to provide logistical support to the Asian Combined Fleet. If Germany could ensure the logistics of the East Asian Fleet, then Germany would not need to join any Asian alliance.

However, in this cooperation, Japan, Germany and China all achieved a win-win situation. Germany's fleet in East Asia finally had logistical and security guarantees, while Japan and China gained Germany's shipbuilding technology. In particular, after taking over the Qingdao Shipyard, China finally had a modern shipyard with more room for development than the Wuhan Shipyard.

The German Navy did indeed build Qingdao as an Eastern naval base. Although German capital was unwilling to invest in Qingdao, the German Navy still used government investment to build a 1.6-ton floating dock in Qingdao. The cost of this dock alone reached 5000 million marks, and its facilities naturally exceeded those of the Wuhan Shipyard.

Lin Xinyi not only advocated for the integration of logistical support for the Asian Joint Fleet, but also used this as a basis to advocate for the integration of the shipbuilding industries of Japan and China. This would involve making the shipbuilding industries of Japan and China more large-scale through reasonable order arrangements, so as to modernize the shipbuilding industry in terms of organization, rather than making it a British-style artisan organization.

More precisely, the goal was to achieve the best cost-effectiveness in shipbuilding, using standardized methods to reduce costs and time, and establishing an assembly line production model. At that time, major European shipyards still maintained a designer-craftsman shipbuilding model, treating each warship as an independent product, which meant that the craftsman's skill determined the quality of the ship.

This production method is advantageous to industrial nations like Britain, which have a long history of shipbuilding, but it is not actually suitable for late-developing industrial nations. Even Germany, which had already completed the Industrial Revolution, was still inferior to the British in shipbuilding. Meanwhile, the Americans had begun to introduce the model of large-scale industrial production into the shipbuilding industry, attempting to reduce shipbuilding costs through standardization.

Of course, without the outbreak of war, the Americans couldn't secure so many ship orders, so they couldn't turn their vision into reality. However, Lin Xinyi knew that the Americans' organizational restructuring and production process reforms in the shipbuilding industry were on the right track. When World War I began, the large number of transport ship orders quickly transformed the United States into a shipbuilding powerhouse.

If Japan, China, and Germany cannot unify their shipbuilding industry standards and move towards a large-scale production model, they will undoubtedly be unable to compete with the United States in shipbuilding. Although Germany will soon be isolated from Asia due to the outbreak of war in Europe, Japan and China together are enough to establish an industrial cluster led by shipbuilding in East Asia.

Lin Xinyi's goal was certainly not to mass-produce warships. He advocated first unifying the construction of civilian ships. In addition to conventional cargo ships, Japan, China, and Germany should unify the standards for oil tankers, deep-sea fishing vessels, fishery processing vessels, and refrigerated transport ships to achieve economies of scale.

Lin Xinyi's target was the fishing resources of the Pacific Ocean. At that time, the Pacific's fishery resources were not being fully developed. After all, before the Panama Canal opened, the United States and Europe could not utilize the Pacific's fishery resources due to the high costs. Japan's industrialization was inseparable from the development of its coastal fishing industry. The extensive development of Japan's coastal fishery resources provided the Japanese people with a large amount of protein, thereby improving their physical condition.

Similarly, as China began its industrialization, its demand for marine resources inevitably increased rapidly, thus driving the development of the shipbuilding industry. Although Lin Xinyi's proposals did not receive a positive response from the Germans, even within the Japanese Navy, there was little interest. They all hoped that the establishment of the Combined Fleet would enhance their nation's maritime strength, rather than developing civilian ships.

However, China actively supported Lin Xinyi's suggestion. For China at this time, it was too early to compete for maritime interests. Not to mention seeking navigation rights in the East China Sea and the South China Sea, it had not even regained navigation rights in the Yangtze River's inland waters. Therefore, it was natural not to believe that China at present had sufficient strength to compete for maritime interests.

Ensuring the freedom of navigation for Chinese fishing boats and merchant ships at sea with the help of the allied fleet would be the best outcome at present, which is also the basis of public opinion in China for supporting the joint fleet.

On September 14, in accordance with the Security Council resolution, Hideaki Tojo, as the alliance's representative, traveled to Bali to consult with the Kloncon royal family. The consultations focused on the Kloncon royal family disbanding its armed forces and declaring Bali a permanent peace zone. However, the alliance had previously announced that it would hold consultations with the principalities of Bali on the issue of permanent neutrality in October.

The central part of Bali is hilly, making land travel inconvenient and sea travel faster. This mountainous terrain has resulted in the island's relatively isolated regions, leading to the existence of eight royal families, among which the Klonkung royal family is the supreme ruler of Bali.

However, due to the long-term Dutch invasion, apart from the three southern principalities, the other five principalities were controlled by the Dutch through the dispatch of political advisors. Although the Dutch East Indies had 60,000 to 70,000 troops, most of them were stationed on Java to stabilize the core of the Dutch East Indies archipelago. The remaining troops had to be distributed across the vast archipelago and also fight against the Acehnese, so the armed forces available for conquering Bali were not many.

However, the Dutch were equipped with rifles and cannons, while the Balinese only had spears and bows and arrows. This disparity in weaponry gave the Dutch a significant advantage over Bali. The main reason the Dutch hadn't been able to completely annex Bali was the interference of other European countries, such as the British, who consistently opposed Dutch occupation of Bali.

However, with the American occupation of the Philippine Islands and the Japanese encroaching on Mindanao, the British finally had more freedom to act. Thus, in 1906, after defeating a large-scale resistance force in Acehnese India, the Dutch East Indies government turned its attention to Bali. Taking advantage of the conflict between the Principality of Denpasar and the pro-Dutch Principality of Tabanan, then Governor-General of Batavia, Jonas van Hertz, launched an armed intervention in the local conflict in Bali.

Van Hertz was a veteran colonialist who advocated for the formal establishment of Dutch rule over the East Indies, the abrogation of previous Dutch promises to the island's indigenous rulers—essentially abolishing their power—and making the East Indies part of the Kingdom of Holland. He employed a policy of genocide against the Aceh people's resistance, using the massacre of civilians to eliminate the resistance's manpower and logistical support. He also forced the island's princely states to issue brief declarations ceding sovereignty to the Queen of Holland.

When the Dutch intervened in the local conflict in Bali, they defended themselves in the following way: the caste system implemented on the island caused unbearable suffering to the lower classes, while the Dutch established an administrative system in Gianyar that could effectively collect and utilize taxes, improve local bridges, roads and irrigation systems, reform the judicial system, and the people of various principalities hoped to be saved by the Dutch.

However, after the Dutch army defeated the Balinese royal forces, the Balinese people they had redeemed began to rise up in rebellion and eliminated several small groups that had invaded the countryside. As a result, the Dutch had to ask the local tyrannical rulers who oppressed the lower classes to step in and persuade the people to lay down their arms and not attack the Dutch army.

The armed intervention in Bali in 1906 was a failure because the Dutch invading forces provoked resistance from the entire Balinese population. These rebels possessed a number of new weapons, which the Dutch believed were supplied by Japanese merchants. They also provided military training to the Balinese people.

Governor Van Hertz was forced to halt his military plans to occupy Bali and signed a peace treaty with King Dewa Agung of the Principality of Klonkon. In the treaty, he demanded that the Dutch recognize their suzerainty over Bali and promised not to send any more armed troops to the Principality of Klonkon.

At this time, Japan was preoccupied with the war against Russia, and therefore did not take this opportunity to completely remove the Dutch from their control over Bali. However, with the establishment of the Asian Alliance, the British finally could no longer tolerate it, and shifted from tacitly allowing the Dutch to control the East Indies to supporting Dutch rule over the East Indies.

After the Denpasar royal family declared it a permanently neutral territory, the British demanded that the Dutch resolve the ownership issues of Bali and other areas as soon as possible, otherwise Britain would no longer guarantee Dutch rule over the East Indies. The British implication was that if the Dutch could not control the situation, Britain would have to take control of the East Indies itself.

At this time, the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies was Alexander Willem Frederick Edenburg, a member of the Free Counter-Revolutionary Party who had been transferred from his post as Governor-General of Suriname. The term "Free Counter-Revolutionary" in the Netherlands meant opposition to the French Revolution, i.e., conservatism.

Edenburg accepted the British proposal, but demanded certain guarantees from Britain. After all, the Dutch East India Company was powerless to fight against the Japanese navy, which had just won the Russo-Japanese War, and Japan was only a member of the Asian alliance, with China and Germany behind it.

The British then sent a warship to Bali to ensure that the Dutch occupation of Bali would not be disturbed, but demanded that the Dutch end this before Bali joined the alliance.

End of this chapter

Chapter 768

After nearly seven days at sea, the warship carrying Lin Xinyi finally arrived at Zamboanga City, a small city with a strong Spanish character. When the Spanish first arrived in the Philippines, they attempted to occupy the entire island of Mindanao from here. However, the Ming-Qing transition occurred, and Zheng Chenggong crossed the sea to recover Taiwan, posing a military threat to Luzon Island. As a result, the Spanish had to withdraw from Mindanao.

Although Taiwan lost its threat to Luzon after the Manchus conquered it, as the Manchus viewed it as a frontier rather than a springboard to overseas destinations, Spain had already declined and was no longer able to launch large-scale overseas colonial operations. Therefore, the Spanish war against the Moro in Mindanao was always intermittent and could not completely eliminate a major resistance force like it did in Manila, thus failing to establish control over Mindanao.

The Americans defeated the Spanish and gained suzerainty over the Philippine archipelago. However, the Americans were more interested in the already developed Luzon Island and the oil-rich Borneo and Sumatra Islands. They had little interest in the still undeveloped Mindanao Island and continued the oppressive policies of the Spanish era in their rule over Mindanao. As a result, the conflict between the Moro people and the outsiders on the island did not ease.

When the Americans ceded Mindanao to Japan, it was partly because they didn't want this troublesome place, and partly to see what kind of conflict would erupt between the Japanese and the Moro people on the island. However, the Japanese government was unable to develop Mindanao, so it recognized the autonomy of the tribes and introduced Chinese capital to develop the coastal areas, which actually eased the tensions with the inland tribes.

Although Japanese officials still cannot enforce the law on the tribes' territories today, they have reached an agreement with the island's tribes that the Moro people will not attack merchants, tourists, and workers, and that the land owned by each tribe has been legally defined, with tribes prohibited from hunting or farming outside their own territories.

Meanwhile, the inhabitants of the coastal plains recognized Japanese rule. These inhabitants were mostly of mixed Spanish and Chinese descent and had already separated from tribal life during the Spanish rule. In the eyes of the Moro people in the interior, they were also outsiders. So after the Spanish withdrew, they swore allegiance to the Americans. Now that the Japanese had come, they naturally swore allegiance to the Japanese to ensure that their property and lives would not be harmed by the inland tribes.

The lenient governance policy adopted by the Japanese Navy eased conflicts with inland tribes and also stimulated the development of these coastal areas. Especially against the backdrop of a new wave of anti-Chinese sentiment in Southeast Asia, the Americans applied their domestic anti-Chinese laws to the Philippines after occupying the Philippine Islands, and the Dutch also took the opportunity to launch a crackdown on Chinese businesses. In other words, the Straits Settlements under British rule needed Chinese to develop the Malay Peninsula and Borneo, but instead, more Chinese were brought in from the mainland.

Amid this anti-Chinese sentiment, the Chinese community either migrated to the Malay Peninsula and northern Borneo, or came to Mindanao and began developing this pristine island.

Zamboanga rapidly transformed from a declining small town under Spanish rule into an important transshipment port in Southeast Asia against this backdrop. Zamboanga controlled...

The Basilan Strait was once an important waterway connecting Java to China. However, with the Dutch occupation of Java, the island's connections with Europe were strengthened while its connections with China were weakened, leading to its continuous decline.

However, with the completion of the Industrial Revolution and the rise of the United States, the Basilan Strait once again came into the American view. There were actually only two reasonable routes from the Americas across the Pacific Ocean to the Asian continent: the North Pacific route and the Central Pacific route. Although the North Pacific route was shorter, the climate was harsh, while the Central Pacific route, although longer, had a large number of islands along the way, making it the most suitable route for crossing the Pacific Ocean in the age of sail.

The only problem was that the North Pacific shipping route was blocked by the Japanese archipelago, so the Americans had always sought to control the Central Pacific shipping route, since the Central Pacific islands were in European hands. This was also a major reason why the Americans were willing to be lured by the British and go to war with the Spanish in the Philippines, halfway around the world, before the Panama Canal was built.

However, at this time, the Americans hadn't figured out what they really needed in Asia, so they applied their domestic laws against discrimination against people of color to the region, which resulted in a poor reputation for Americans in Southeast Asia. Manila, occupied by the Americans, did not become the important transshipment port for trade between the Americas and Asia as the Americans had envisioned. The racial discrimination and Chinese Exclusion Acts implemented by the Americans meant that Asian merchants would not choose Manila as a transshipment port.

On the contrary, Zamboanga, under the relaxed policies, gradually became an important transshipment port for trade between the Americas and Asia due to the influx of a large amount of Chinese capital. Even German merchants began to invest in Zamboanga because they found that it was the most efficient way to divert goods from their homeland to Asia, the Pacific islands, and even western South America.

After all, with the deepening of the conflict between Britain and France and Germany, the Germans began to be wary of investing in British and French colonies. The most suitable place in Asia for German goods to transit was actually Singapore, but Singapore was British territory, and German merchants' investments in Singapore were restricted. On the contrary, in Zamboanga, Germans faced almost no restrictions.

Thus, when Lin Xinyi arrived in Zamboanga, this small town from the Spanish colonial period had grown into a new port city with a population of over 100,000, of whom more than 30% were Chinese, 50% were of mixed race, about 2,000 to 3,000 were Japanese, and several hundred were Europeans.

Of course, Zamboanga's rapid development is not only due to its superior geographical location, but also because its natural environment is much better than other areas of Mindanao. It not only has a large plain that can provide abundant agricultural products, but also rich iron and coal mines, making it a region that is quite suitable for urban development.

Therefore, the navy moved the naval base of Mindanao to Zamboanga, which became the center of the Japanese navy in Southeast Asia. Although Davao Port in the south had a more favorable port environment, the backward productivity of the surrounding area meant that the port could only serve as a safe harbor for warships and could not become a naval logistics base in the south in the short term.

The commander of the Mindanao Naval Base was Lieutenant General Tomioka Sadayasu, the naval academy principal before Hayashi Shin-yi graduated, who also served as the governor of the Nanyang Governor-General's District. The chief of staff of the naval base was Colonel Hirose Takeo, who was also the head of the Southeast Asian intelligence organization.

Lieutenant General Sadayasu Tomioka greeted Lieutenant General Hideaki Tojo, and quickly found an excuse to lead Lieutenant General Tojo away to receive him elsewhere. Meanwhile, Nobuyoshi Hayashi, along with officers such as Kantarō Suzuki, Katsunosuke Yamanashi, Teikichi Hori, and Isoroku Takano, went to a stone house for a secret meeting, received by Colonel Takeo Hirose.

Hirose Takeo knew very well that Hayashi Shin-yi was actually the one in charge among this group. Hayashi Shin-yi's purpose in coming to Southeast Asia this time was to further expand the navy's influence in Southeast Asia. This plan actually began after Hayashi Shin-yi returned from India, so the commander of the Mindanao Naval Base was replaced with people close to the Reform Society.

Although Lieutenant General Tomioka Sadayasu had a good relationship with Saito Minoru, he had actually sided with the Reform Society, and this plan had his tacit approval. Otherwise, as a colonel, he would not have been able to control the Mindanao Naval Base to advance this plan.

Therefore, Hirose's attitude was quite clear. Although he was introducing the situation in Southeast Asia to a group of naval officers, his main focus was on Hayashi Shin-yi.

After listening to Colonel Hirose's intelligence report, Lin Xinyi stood up and said to the officers present, "After listening to Colonel Hirose's intelligence, everyone should understand the current situation in Southeast Asia."

The Dutch planned to take complete control of the Principality of Denpasar, also known as the Kingdom of Batang, in eight days, on September 29th. This would give them complete control of the ports in southern Bali, making it more difficult for us to intervene in Bali's affairs.

According to the intelligence gathered by Colonel Hirose, Batavia has formed an expeditionary force consisting of three battalions of infantry, one detachment of cavalry, and two companies of artillery. The commander of this expeditionary force should be Lieutenant General Van Tunningen, who also led the conquest of Bali four years ago. It seems that he wants to wash away his previous humiliation this time.

Gianyar, northeast of the Batang Kingdom, is a Dutch outpost in southern Bali. At that time, a local armed force should cooperate with the Dutch expeditionary force to launch an attack on the Batang Kingdom.

The Dutch would deploy two coastal defense ships for this operation, the Tromp and the de Ruyter. These old ironclads were only good for intimidating the indigenous people paddling canoes; they posed little threat to us. Therefore, the Dutch's real means of hindering our intervention was a British destroyer.

Although the destroyer's firepower was not impressive, it represented the face of the British Empire, so as long as the British were there, they could prevent us from intervening in the fighting in Bali.

Therefore, our objective this time is not to interfere with the Dutch attack on the indigenous people of Bali, but to rescue the Alliance observer group and journalists from various countries who are visiting Bali. They will board the American cruise ship Orient tomorrow and arrive in Bali in about five days. We will then depart in three days to visit Makassar to focus on the issue of the permanent neutrality of the Sultanate of Bonne.

During our visit, we learned that Batavia had sent an expeditionary force to Bali. To avoid a humanitarian disaster on the island, we decided to change our course and head to Bali. Then we received a distress telegram from the Allied Observer Group, which allowed us to legitimately intervene in the fighting in Bali.

If you have any questions, please feel free to ask now.

As the nominal commander of the squadron, Colonel Kantaro Suzuki immediately raised his most pressing question: "Under what pretext are we intervening in the Bali affair—the Japanese Navy or the Allied Navy? If it's the latter, it seems the Allied Navy hasn't been truly established yet. Who should be in charge of this operation?"

Lin Xinyi replied without hesitation: "The Alliance Navy has indeed not been formally established, and there is currently no organization or individual authorized to interfere in Bali affairs. However, our country has signed the Alliance Agreement. According to the agreement, all signatories should respond immediately to emergency rescue requests from Alliance members to ensure that Alliance members are out of danger. This is the right of emergency avoidance."

Therefore, this operation is not to interfere with the Dutch attack on Bali, but to address the threat to the lives of Alliance personnel posed by the Dutch armed forces. As the Chief of Staff of the squadron, I will exercise my authority to grant the squadron the right to open fire, and I will bear the responsibility for this operation.

After ensuring the safety of the observer mission, we will request the Alliance to issue a resolution establishing a no-arms zone west of the Bali and Makassar Straits, prohibiting Dutch warships and armed forces from entering this area, and also prohibiting any country from selling firearms to Sulawesi, Bali, and Lombok. The conflict between the Dutch East Indies government and the indigenous peoples of the region should be resolved through peace negotiations under the auspices of the Alliance.

Katsuyuki Yamanashi couldn't help but ask, "Will the British understand our actions? What if the British insist on preventing us from approaching Bali? And if the British disagree and help the Dutch transport troops to these islands, it seems we have no power to stop them."

Lin Xinyi nodded to Lieutenant Commander Yamanashi and then said, "According to the terms of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, when we request British ships to help us rescue a Japanese lieutenant general, the British can choose to stand by and do nothing. However, if they still try to stop us, we can simply ignore them and won't lose a lawsuit afterward. As for opening fire on the British ships, we have no need for that, and the British wouldn't be that foolish. That would be tantamount to Britain actively tearing up the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and our country would not assume any obligations to Britain."

Given the current situation in Europe, if the British attempt to confront the alliance militarily in Asia, then we are left with only one option: the dream of peacefully establishing an Asian order has been shattered, and the only remaining option is full-scale preparation for war. Under such circumstances, I believe Germany would be more than willing to help Japan and China transition to a wartime order.

I want to emphasize that our attempt to rebuild the Asian order presupposes that the British are at least capable of dialogue and not a madman who has lost his mind. If the British are a madman who has lost his mind, then we cannot allow them to turn against us after eliminating their adversaries in Europe.

Simply put, this event is a test. We need to determine whether the British still possess rationality in the face of challenges around the world, and this will determine whether we prioritize peace or war. A madman cannot rule the world.

Apart from Isoroku Takano, the other officers expressed concern about a direct conflict with the British. Although Shin-Yi Hayashi's analysis pointed out that the best option for the British, unless they went crazy, was to accept the facts, what if they did?

Hori Teikichi finally couldn't help but ask Hayashi Shin-yi, "What if the country can't withstand the diplomatic pressure from Britain?"

Lin Xinyi replied without hesitation: "I will publish the telegram to show that this matter was decided solely by me. If there is any blame involved, it will be because you were misled by me and had no choice but to accept my advice..."

Under Lin Xinyi's constant mobilization, everyone eventually accepted the plan he proposed. After all, they were officers who had already been screened by Lin Xinyi, and they knew that the purpose of this trip south was to open up the situation in Southeast Asia. They were just anxious when they heard that they would be facing the British.